War In Algeria
| War in Algeria | ||
 From left to right, 1st row: column of the NLA ; patrol M8 Greyhound of the French Army ; Blackfoot of Constantine organizing themselves into vigilante groups . 2nd row: speech by Charles de Gaulle in GG Algiers ("I have understood you"); gathering of "Europeans" at the Forum in Algiers on 13 May 1958 with banners "de Gaulle to power" and " City of Hussein Dey " veterans Muslims " harkis " Forum in 1958. 3rd row: insurrection week barricades in January 1960; rioters anti-independence of FAF throwing stones at the M8 Greyhound of the French Army on 9 December 1960 ; French soldier using a metal detector to check that Muslim hayek not hiding any weapons or bomb. 4th row: riot FLN in Bab el Oued of 10 December 1960 ; mobile guards using a grenade launcher defensive in Algiers, FLN supporters face to face with the French paratroopers during the event FLN 10 December 1960. | ||
| General Information | ||
|---|---|---|
| Date | 1 November 1954 - 19 March 1962 | |
| Location | French Algeria French Sahara France Tunisia | |
| Casus belli | Toussaint Red (1 November 1954) | |
| Territorial changes | Loss of French departments of Algeria and the Sahara for France Unification of Algeria and the Sahara | |
| Issue | Evian agreements Independence of Algeria Drain Blackfoot | |
| Belligerents | ||
 FLN MNA  PCA (1954-1956) |  France MPC (1961-1962) | FAF (1960-1961)  OAS (1961-1962) |
| Commanders | ||
| Krim Belkacem Mostefa Ben Boulaid Ferhat Abbas Larbi Ben M'Hidi Rabah Bitat Boudiaf Lakhdar Bentobal | Pierre Mendes France Guy Mollet Ren Coty Jacques Massu Maurice Challe Charles de Gaulle Jacques Dauer | Said Boualam Pierre Lagaillarde Raoul Salan Edmond Jouhaud Antoine Argoud Jean-Jacques Susini |
| Forces present | ||
| 30 000 | 460 000 | 3000 (OAS) |
| Losses | ||
| 300 000-460 000 deaths largely civilians, 1 million and a half by the Algerian State | 28,500 dead 65,000 injured 30 000-90 000 deaths harkis 4 000 to 6,000 European civilians | 100 deaths (OAS) 2000 prisoners (OAS) |
| Notes | ||
| Weapons of War in Algeria | ||
| Battles | ||
change  | ||
The war in Algeria is a conflict that took place mainly on the territory of the French departments of Algeria , but also implications in France, from 1954 to 1962. He contrasted the French authorities and the army to Algerian independence, mostly united under the banner of the National Liberation Front (FLN) , has serious political crises until France, with consequences for the return to power of Charles de Gaulle and the fall of the Fourth Republic , replaced by the Fifth Republic. After giving time for the army to use all means at its disposal to finally smash the insurgency , De Gaulle finally looking for independence as the only possible solution to the conflict, leading a fraction of French army to rebel and be in open opposition to power. The conflict leads, after the Evian agreements of 18 March 1962 , the independence of Algeria , 5 July of that year, and causes the exodus of the population of Europeans of Algeria, said Blackfoot and the massacre of tens of thousands of pro-French Muslims .
The term officially used at the time by France was "events in Algeria," although the term "war of Algeria" has been current in the current language . The term "war of Algeria" was officially adopted in France October 18, 1999 . This period of armed struggle and diplomatic exchanges is designated in Algeria, and at the time by supporters of independence, under the term "Algerian Revolution." The expression of Algerian revolution, however, can also extend, in the vocabulary of the Algerian government, the reforms implemented in the country after independence in 1962.
Background
The war in Algeria took place in the decolonization movement that affected the Western empires after the Second World War. It is part of the struggle against imperialism.
It opposes the French army, which coexist elite commando troops ( paratroopers , legionnaires ) goums Moroccan (until their dissolution in April 1956 ), law enforcement ( Mobile Guards , Security Company republican ( CRS) ), called the quota and supplementary indigenous ( harkis , moghaznis ) armed separatist groups of the National Liberation Army (NLA), the armed wing of the National Liberation Front (FLN) of politico-administrative (National revolution).
The conflict is coupled with a civil war and ideology within the two communities, giving rise to successive waves of bombings, assassinations and massacres on both sides of the Mediterranean. Separatist side, it results in a power struggle that began to see the victory of Algerian FLN party rivals, including the Algerian National Movement (ANM) and a crackdown against pro-French Muslims loyalists supporting the status quo of connecting Algeria to the French Republic. It also raises the confrontation between the French side a vocal minority opposed to its continuation ( peace movement ), a second favorable to the revolution (the " suitcase carriers "of the Jeanson Network , the Algerian Communist Party ), and a third rallied the slogan of "French Algeria" ( Front French Algeria , Young Nation , Secret Army Organization (OAS) ).
According to Guy Pervill, the number of Algerian Muslims engaged in one or the other camp (supporters of French and FLN), was the same order of magnitude .
The war ends on both the proclamation of the independence of Algeria on 5 July 1962 during a televised speech by General de Gaulle, following the referendum on self- July 1 under the agreements of Evian of 18 March 1962 , on the birth of the People's Democratic Republic (official name) September 25, on the exodus of Blackfoot (numbering one million)
Differing legal qualification and political issues
Note historiographical
The official archives of the war in Algeria are still only partially available and accessible to researchers in France , and inaccessible in Algeria . The French law of July 15, 2008 on archives has shortened the time of public archives, including some classified records " defense secret "communicated after a period of 50 years . In 2008, during the discussion of this text to Parliament an amendment adopted by the Senate, French was to prescribe a period of 75 years for parts "that could undermine privacy" . This provision, criticized by historians because it would have increased the time of communicability archives on the war in Algeria , was finally removed from the text during its consideration in the National Assembly.
Terminology
In Algeria , the war is also called "Algerian Revolution" (original title) by analogy with the American Revolution, French and Russian. It will be named shortly after its release "war of national liberation" or "war of independence." The term "revolution" is overwhelmingly adopted by the FLN in 1956, the year he told the Congress "Soummam" in Kabylia. The term will resolutely socialist connotations in the early years of independence. For Algerian population as a whole, it was "War".
For rather complex reasons, France has acknowledged that it was a "war" in 1999 , under the presidency of Jacques Chirac. However, in particular legislation, the official continues to be devoted to events in Algeria. This fact is unique in contemporary history and is a French exception.
Legal Issues of the qualification of "war"
By law, only can make the war who have the legal personality of international law (in part because a declaration of war is a treaty and must have the legal capacity to sign). In fact there is no declaration of war from Algeria to France in 1954, and for good reason, such a state does not exist. Refusing to legally qualify the events of the war Algeria is therefore to refuse to recognize the state in Algeria prior to 1962. From 1848 to 1962, the French Algeria consists of the departments of Algeria (plus the departments of the Sahara ). The entity that precedes it is called the Regency of Algiers , Ottoman state, quasi-independent from the Sublime Porte , under the authority of a dey of Turkey, which still recognized the sovereignty of the sultans . His card is not quite the same as that of independent Algeria , and it takes over the borders with the Regency of Tunis and the empire of Morocco / Sup>, while in its southernmost part, the people, nomadic and organized into tribes and confederations religious, did not allow a military penetration by the Dey of Algiers . The modern Algerian state appears only with the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria , Egypt, in September 1958. On 13 December 1958 the UN does not recognize the right of Algeria's independence , .
The qualification of the Evian agreements is the same problem. These agreements are seen as a bilateral legal instrument of prime importance in the relations between the two countries.
From this legal reality, two opposing positions:
- The French position has long been one to refuse the qualification of war and even evoke any recollection connected with this historic event (amnesia). The word war was therefore used by the French authorities until very late. The adoption by the Parliament of the Law of 18 October 1999 establishes the legal recognition of the war Algeria. Previously, the expression used in French political discourse was "the events in Algeria;
- the Algerian position, however, believes that Algeria was a former political entity under French military occupation.
The right not to be that the expression of politics, he must submit to it, so the "war of independence" would not identify the sovereignty of the Algerian government, but to find her.
With the official recognition of war by the French national representation , the first position is about to disappear, especially since the term "war of Algeria" was already used by historians and journalists and French foreigners since the outbreak of the conflict and the general public also recognizes this expression.
Consequences of the status
At the time of the offense, France considered that it was not a war but of disturbing public order and substantially more trouble against the established order. These words had important practical consequences: the insurgents could not enjoy the status of prisoner of war , and only well after the war that pensions paid to French soldiers or their widows were in line with those paid in the event of war Official .
Recognition of crimes
If France has recognized the war alone were also officially recognized individual acts committed by the military without condemning them. The organized nature, systematic, massive and scientific repression of Algerians suspected of belonging or sympathy vis--vis the FLN (torture, summary executions, massacres, etc.). By the military on behalf of the French state does himself has never been recognized, such as the abandonment of a number of harkis by France in the final days of the war.
Algerian side, August 20, 2006, to mark the fiftieth anniversary of Congress Soummam and massacres of Philippeville (now Skikda), President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has acknowledged in a message that "Our war of national liberation was conducted by men and women, that momentum was liberating most often at a high level of moral elevation, but has some gray areas like all processes of violent and rapid transformation of human societies " . It was the first time that the Algerian government publicly acknowledged the existence of facts hitherto taboo and hidden by the official history: Massacres harkis, atrocities against civilians of all faiths, etc.. But other statements were again denied these facts, one in 2009 claiming that the Revolution has met the "international conventions, including those in Geneva" .
Nationalist Conflict and Franco-Algerian relations
The Algerian nation
The outcome of the war that leads to both the independence of Algeria and the exodus of its population of European descent began to see the advent of modern Algeria as a nation state. The entity (Ottoman regency of Algiers) before the French invasion of 1830 is a territory whose boundaries are somewhat different from those of Algeria, 1962 (addition of a part of the Sahara which now represents 2 / 3 of total area), whose population is heterogeneous (and divided into tribes, which the French ethnographers called "Algerian types) and where political authority is held by the Ottomans, like the Hussein Dey last of the 26 Deys , governor in chief of the regency of Algiers was born in Smyrna in what is now Turkey.
Since the republic that is democratic and popular since 1962, following independence, seen by the Algerians as a recovery of sovereignty formerly represented by the official seal of the Dey (returned by France to Algeria in 1999 ), it becomes an argument for the FLN to strengthen and legitimize subsequent struggle for independence initiated in November 1954 by a minority of Muslims in the nationalist movement. These are called "rebels" and "fellagas" or "off-the-law" by the French colonial authority at the time. There was thus a partial and biased, that a war of the oppressed against the oppressor or colonizer and colonized to some extent, a war without possession against the wealthy or the dispossessed against the spoiler. In reality, the war in Algeria is a complex conflict, partly because of the unknown strong passions it continues to maintain, linked to the international context of the Cold War, as recalled by the Suez Crisis , the use of the UN, and the statements of officials of anti- coup generals , and including a Franco-French part, the civil war of insurgency in Algiers in 1958 and 1960 and the secret war being played between the OAS and spooks the MPC , the latter having allied with the Algerian nationalists . At the same time, this so-called Algerian nationalism, which would in fact an "Arab nationalism" such as do not hesitate to call the commentator Ed Herlihy in the U.S. news of the day is made less obvious by spontaneous or the internal struggle between the Algerian FLN MNA for the legitimacy of the struggle and leadership, as evidenced by the massacre Melouza , but also repression by Muslims against Muslims independence loyalists (the boss and the Hajj is Saddok Aboriginal first victim of war in Algeria in 1954 with the teacher Monnerot just arrived from France) during the conflict and the political cleansing of Harkis massacre in Algeria's independence, the Algerian Muslims who fought alongside French, against the independence . The nationalist vision, idealized and simplified, ignored the phenomenon of "Martians" , the mass of undecided Algerian Muslim nor pro-French or pro-FLN and who have rallied to the cause of independence that March 1962, with the cease-fire and the imminence of independence , .
The affirmation of the existence of an Algerian nation during the administration "colonial" French negates 120 years of annexation (French vision) or "occupation" (vision of Algeria), and part of the Algerian population has for several generations, Europeans and Jews in Algeria, and its place in the shared history of French Algeria from 1830 to 1962. The Algerian nationalist argument is used, for example, by the former FLN leader and instigator of the historic Red Toussaint , Hocine Ait Ahmed , in which the French journalist Raymond Tortora opposes the famous quote from "nationalist Algerian moderate" Ferhat Abbas :
However, before, during and long after the war in Algeria, the majority of Muslim populations, including those who have adhered to the vision of the FLN , considers the Blackfoot as Algerians in itself, that the vicissitudes of the history have started on the path of exile. The similarity of thinking, of seeing the world, tainted by extremism and zeal, or passion to reach climax without speaking the language, unites the two communities more we tend to think and what despite the denial of each other and their stubbornness to do things according to a prism ideological.
"The war of memories"
National Stories
The war in Algeria becomes the memorial issue of a battle between France and Algeria, each nation trying to impose its version to another national / nationalist facts, opposing versions a decade later as evidenced by the alleged meeting of "reconciliation" between former leaders of the FLN and the OAS in the context of business television coverage of Full Frame 23 June 1972 , during which each of the belligerents told his counterpart "I am not strongly disagree with your interpretation of facts "and delivers his own historical analysis that is diametrically opposed . This "war of memories" was born on the French side in 2005 a controversy about what the local media have called the bill "the positive role of colonialism".
Algerian side, besides the political response in 2010 , this memorial struggle manifests itself, inter alia, by producing a series of films denouncing the "dirty war" waged by the French army and to assimilate to an "unjust war" by opposing the Algerian nationalist struggle, likened it to a "just war" officially qualified by the Algerian government of "Glorious Revolution" . This specific production adopts the look of the Algerian Muslim with a gallery of the main characters played by actors Franco-Algerian. The use of torture by the French army against the Communists and the FLN is denounced in the film produced by Yacef Saadi , a member of the FLN ( The Battle of Algiers in 1966), discrimination and inequality suffered by the conscripts French Muslims from Algeria to the Second World War, described as "heroes that history has forgotten" ( Glory , 2006). For the attention of French teachers, projections "for classes" are held and a "record of educational assistance" is proposed on the official website of the fiction of Rachid Bouchareb , the latter even political influence .
These films also denounced the massacres in Algeria committed by Europeans against Muslim separatists ( Outside the Law , 2010). However, no film has been made about the massacres perpetrated by the FLN against the Europeans ( massacres of Constantine ), or Muslims ( Melouza massacre ), nor does a director was interested in the massacre of protesters anti-independence Europeans, Jews and Muslims by sharpshooters 'Arab' of the French Army during the shooting of street Isly.
In his book Requiem for a massacre, Ahmed Kaberseli ( Repatriated French Muslims ) raises a criticism against the French historians and intellectuals committed such Pierre Vidal-Naquet ( Manifesto 121 ) secretary of the Committee Maurice Audin ( Algerian Communist Party ) that breaking away from "historical facts" prefer to wear "philosophical considerations and that "the historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet has .
On 29 September 2005 , the Algerian People's Democratic Republic adopted by referendum the charter for peace and national reconciliation whose preamble states the official history of Algeria in these terms:
- "Refusing to submit to oppression,
The charter in question is reached on the role assigned by the Algerian people to state institutions to promote national history to promote national identity :
- "Convinced of the importance of this work which will future generations free from the dangers of a distance from their roots and culture,
Commemoration of March 19
In France, a battle memorial and political divides into two camps, the Veterans Affairs of Algeria, the stake is the memorial - or not - the date of 19 March 1962 which is the bilateral cease-fire in Algeria and thus the formal end of the war Algeria. Those who complain that date, including the ICC (Collective of Returnees surfers) and supported by the collective ADIMAD Harkis News , argue that this is actually a formal stop hostilities but not the war in Algeria, the OAS has since continued its anti-independence ( Battle of Bab el Oued ) ignoring the cease-fire between France and the FLN (terms of agreements of Evian on 18 March 1962 ) and the killings continued after that date ( shooting Isly the street on 26 March 1962 and Oran massacre on 5 July 1962 ). Senator Paul Girod ( UMP ), seeking a "consensus" estimates that the 155,000 death toll in the post cease-fire in Written Question No. 35405 published in the official newspaper of the Senate on 4 October 2001 .
Supporters of the commemoration of March 19 supported the proposal for a decade without obtaining the approval by both chambers, as evidenced by the record of 2005 on the "national day of remembrance of the war in Algeria" . Initially, the 9 February 2000 Charles Bernard ( Radical-citizen-green ) tabled a bill "to institute a national day of remembrance for civilian and military victims of war and fighting in Algeria from Morocco and Tunisia. "Established by Article 2 to 19 March , between 2000 and 2001. The proposal was tabled again by Jean-Pierre Soisson ( UMP ) , Alain Bocquet ( French Communist Party ) , Jean-Pierre Michel ( Radical-citizen-green ) , Alain Neri ( Socialist Party ) and Didier Julia (UMP) . No. 762 The text says "small law" was adopted by the National Assembly at first reading on 22 January 2002 .
Recently, the FNAC argues that the December 5, selected by President Jacques Chirac in 2003 in reference to the inauguration of a national memorial to NFA Quai Branly in 2002, has no historical value. Beyond this controversy dates, is to celebrate - or not - a victory or a defeat. The lack of qualification of "war" with "the events in Algeria" has a time to avoid this ideological debate, proving the real issue of semantics.
In 2003, the mayor of Paris Bertrand Delanoe (Socialist Party), commemorates the cease-fire by naming a road " instead of the Nineteen-Mar-1962. Similarly, there are "street of 19-Mar-1962" and "Avenue 19-March-1962" in France.
Crimes against humanity
The Franco-French quarrel linked to the date March 19 is extended, 29 April 2010 , with the bill of Thierry Mariani ( UMP ) "to establish the recognition by France of the sufferings of French citizens in Algeria, victims of crimes against humanity because of their ethnic, religious or political " .
The issue of repentance is a constant of French Algerian relations. By 1964, voices were raised to condemn the total and general amnesty granted to all war criminals and perpetrators of crimes against humanity during the conflict.
Official Algerian side, there is absolute silence and the government systematically and consistently avoids any accusation of genocide against the French army. Level textbooks in use in Algeria, the French colonialists in Algeria crimes are classified as genocide and crimes against humanity since 1979. A history textbook from 1985, retired last ten years, goes further in describing the colonization process of extensive destruction of life and culture of man on earth.
In 1999, 2004 and 2007, Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has, on various occasions, called the French colonization of cultural genocide and called on France to assume its history by presenting a formal apology.
On 13 January 2010 , the FLN member Musa Abdi , one of the 200 deputies of the lower house of the Algerian parliament in a bill to the Algerian parliament declares "we plan to create special courts to try perpetrators of crimes or Colonial prosecute them in international courts " . An article in the Figaro of 10 February 2010 summarizes the situation as follows:
- "One hundred twenty-five members of various Algerian political parties, including the FLN in power, has signed a bill criminalizing French colonialism (1830-1962) . "
A statement found populist and opportunist in Algeria, even by the press in this country. This initiative was a response to the tension of Franco-Algerian conflict from commercial and, beyond, as an indirect response to French law on the positive role of colonization in 2005.
Qualification subjective fighters
The terms "terrorist" and "terrorism" are inscribed on six occasions in the Algerian Charter are intended to identify attacks by the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) (1991-2002) . However, attacks by the FLN during the war Algeria, and in particular the killing of civilians on 1 November 1954 , are described as a "Glorious Revolution" . FLN agents are defined as "resistance fighters", while the French political authorities call them "rebels". In history textbooks and the Algerian press, we show forbearance toward the French army but not in respect of the OAS, called organizational terrorist behind the exile of the European component of the Algerian population.
Meanwhile, in France, the expressions of homage to the anti-independence, designated in the contemporary press as "activists" but qualified by the ADIMAD (close association of the OAS) to "Patriots fans French Algeria ", created a controversy raised by the association of left LDH and the Algerian daily El Watan in 2005 ( case of the stele Marignane ) and 2006 ( case of the flame of the unknown soldier ).
Socio-economic
Algerian Society
Demographics
Unlike settlements such as the United States ( Native Americans ) and Australia ( Australian Aborigines ), the indigenous population, decreases significantly between 1830 and 1868 and then increases sharply during the French colonization of Algeria between 1880 and 1954.
Common law and Islamic law
In 1954, the population of the departments of Algeria is composed of two distinct classes of French civil status unequal ( Senatus-consulte of July 14, 1865 ). On the one hand, one million "French citizens of ordinary civil status" ("Europeans", nicknamed " Blackfoot ") who settled in Algeria often for many generations (when the first European families dating 1830) and which were associated with the indigenous Jews (except for the period status of Jews from 1940 to 1943 with the repeal of Decree Cremieux ).
On the other hand, nearly nine million 'French citizens of civil status Koran "(" Muslims "or" indigenous "). The two classes of citizens lived without apartheid as South Africa , or racial segregation as the United States.
However, if French citizens of ordinary civil status enjoyed exactly the same rights and duties than their metropolitan French citizens of civil status Koran that had the same duties (being French they were mobilized by the quota ) were deprived of part of their civic rights (they were voting on the Second electoral college where their voices had expressed less value than the first college voters, citizens and civil status of Muslim notables).
The coming to power of Charles de Gaulle in 1958, standardizes the status of French citizens in Algeria by the adoption (in 1962) of single college that led to the independence of Algeria following its application to vote by referendum.
Economy of Algeria
Algeria since the 1930s , nearly one million Blackfoot live with a few thousand have the best agricultural land.
| Muslims | Blackfoot | Total | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Area (ha) | 9 196 000 | 1 136 000 | 10 332 000 |
| % Farmland | 75 | 25 | 100 |
| % Of total population | 89 | 11 | 100 |
| % Of the agricultural population | 98 | 2 | 100 |
| Source: R. Aron et al. The origins of the war in Algeria, Paris, Fayard, 1962 | |||
Political background
French side
The move towards a European commitment, inconsistent with the maintenance of the old Empire
On April 18, 1951, France signed the Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). On May 27, 1952, the Treaty establishing the European Defence Community (EDC) was adopted by the French government (but will not be ratified by Parliament). On 1 June 1955 held the Messina Conference preparing the Treaty of Rome of 25 March 1957 which established the European Economic Community , a prelude to the European Union today, born February 7, 1992.
Following the Second World War , France is resolutely committed to a European policy that shapes the future of the nation. At the beginning of the war in Algeria, still powerful political forces trying to maintain what remains of the French colonial empire , but the consequences of the choice of General de Gaulle in France are inexorable. The General de Gaulle is in favor of self-determination for Algeria September 16, 1959.
The end of the Indochina war and the decolonization of the French Union
The conflict is part of the process of decolonization , which takes place after the end of the Second World War. For France , this includes among others the French colonies of Indochina ( Indochina War of 1946-1954), the Guinea , Madagascar ( Malagasy uprising of 1947 ), the French Equatorial Africa and French West Africa. The Morocco and Tunisia are not colonies but protectorates, one of Morocco is a Franco-Spanish protectorate.
The Algeria is a special case is neither a colony from 1848 (creation of the French provinces of Oran , Algiers and Constantine who become departments until 1962), or a protectorate since the capture of Algiers by the French in 1830. Before the French conquest, "the Regency of Algiers in law is a province of the Ottoman Empire , in fact it is, according to historian Charles-Andr Julien , "a colony of exploitation led by a minority of Turks with the assistance of local notables. And the Dey of Algiers knows that he must bow to the will of the Sublime Porte " . Algeria, like the Sahara, the latter being a territory under the authority of the confederation Tuareg Kel Ahaggar until the French conquest of 1902, belong to the national territory as French departments of Algeria and departments of the Sahara to As such an allegory of Algeria is among the rock paintings of the historic City Hall of Paris since its reconstruction when Alsace and Lorraine are absent / Sup>. The Sahara was not part of the regency of Algiers was annexed to Algeria since independence, there is the issue of a Franco-Moroccan War in 1963, the war of the sands. From 1954 to 1962, Algeria had three departments in 1954, four late 1955, twelve in June 1956 and fifteen departments from 1958 (see List of French departments of Algeria ).
Beginnings of this war, the massacres of Setif and Guelma , on 8 May 1945 , then what in Europe celebrated the Allied victory against Nazism, are between 10,000 and 20,000 dead according to various historical works - the Algerian nationalists who talked about the time 45 000 deaths 40 000 deaths as a result of events . The French Army must restore order to the fact bluntly on the civilian population. The Navy and Air Force are engaged and to bomb civilians.
In his report, General Duval , architect of the crackdown, proved prophetic: "I give you peace for ten years, you are using it to reconcile the two communities" , . And nine years later, the insurrection of the All Saints Day 1954 in the Aures , called Toussaint red , mark the beginning of the war Algeria.
The failure of reforms under the Fourth Republic
The main cause of the outbreak of this war lies in blocking all the reforms, due to the fragile balance of power under the Fourth Republic , and the stubborn opposition of the mass of the Blackfoot and their representatives opposed to any reform for Muslims.
While tens of thousands of French Algeria, estimated at 68,000 fighters, have participated in the liberation of France and several intellectuals demand equal rights, the Muslim inhabitants of Algeria are French then regarded as second class citizens, even as the regime of rights of citizenship is revoked in theory in 1945.
In 1947, the application of the new status of French Algeria was almost openly distorted by the administration, which arrested the 'wrong' candidate and faked the results in favor of the hardliners, so that some were elected here and there more than 100% of registered voters.
During the twelve months preceding the start of November 1, it is not less than 53 attacks ('anti-French ") that were committed .
The European fighters of the French army in Algeria
The Muslim fighters to Algeria in the French Army
In 1960, 85,000 Muslims (called, committed, active military, also called ANSF or ethnic French North Africa) served in the Regular Army plus about 150,000 auxiliaries (60 000 harkis, DSM 62 000, GSM 8600 and 19 000 mokhaznis) totaling approximately 235,000 Muslims fighting alongside French soldiers .
A total of just over 110,000 ANSF were incorporated into the regular army from 1956 to 1961 .
On March 19, 1962, the day the cease-fire, according to the report to the UN 's comptroller general to the armies of Christian Saint-Salvy, there were in Algeria, 263,000 Muslims engaged the French side (60 000 soldiers (ANSF) , 153 000 auxiliaries and including 60 000 50 000 harkis notable Francophile), representing families included more than 1 million people threatened over 8 million Algerian Muslims .
The French Army also recruited about 3000 old items from the FLN and the ALN some of which formed the famous George Commando Lieutenant Georges Grillot. Most of them were victims of retaliation from 1962 .
According to Maurice Faivre , and there were four times more Muslim fighters in the French camp in the FLN .
Algerian side
Algerian National Movement for claiming the right
Ben Badis after Bashir Yelles
In the early twentieth century , several leaders of France Algerians demanding the right to equality or independence. Several parties will be created and several pamphlets are written to defend the right of Algerians. Several Algerian thinkers will villipender most important personalities of the French colonial regime. Most of the figures of Algerian movement will be monitored closely by the French police, others will be exiled to other countries as has been the Emir Khalid El-Hassan bin al-Hashemi in Egypt and then Syria.
Bennabi Malek , Mohamed Hamouda Bensa , Saleh Bensi Messali Hajj , Ben Badis , Mohamed Bachir El Ibrahimi , El Ouartilani Fodil , Larbi Tebessa , Ferhat Abbas , Omar Ouzeggane, etc.. All will differ between them on the Algerian question, it will cause the emergence of several associations and Algerian parties: the Reform Party or movement for equality, Algerian Muslim Scholars Association , an association of North African Star , the party of the Algerian People's Party , Friends of the Manifesto of Liberties, the Algerian Communist Party , etc..
After the end of the Second World War , the Marshall Plan provided economic aid to France and Algeria.
The massacre of May 8, 1945
On May 8, 1945 held demonstrations in several cities of Algerians in the East ( Setif , and Constantine ), who were able to recall their nationalist claims, concomitantly with the jubilation of victory. At Setif , after clashes between police and nationalists, the demonstration turns into riots and anger of the demonstrators turned against the "French": 27 Europeans were murdered (103 die in the following days). The repression of the French Army is brutal.
Officially, she died 1500 among Muslims, a figure underestimated and probably closer to 20 000 to 30 000 according to historian Benjamin Stora. The Algerian People's Party (PPP) estimates that there were 45 000 deaths . By radicalization they generated in the Algerian nationalist circles, some historians consider these massacres as the true beginning of the war in Algeria .
From 1945 to 1954
Following the suspicious death of Ben Badis in 1940 , the imprisonment of Messali Hajj and the prohibition of the Algerian People's Party , the party Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties after claiming the status of equal independence Algeria in 1948. The Association of Algerian Muslim Scholars is now prohibited. The Special Organization and appears intended to collect weapons to fight. Belouizdad Mohamed was the first head of the clandestine organization. Hocine Ait Ahmed then took the head of the Organization and continues to work to the purchase of weapons. The position of Oran is attacked by members of the OS.
Ahmed Ben Bella takes the place of Hocine Ait Ahmed in 1949. The organization's plan is revealed and a string of arrests was begun by the French authorities in 1950. The Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties denies any relationship with the Special Organization to avoid arrest.
The CRUA , founded in March 1954 , will organize the armed struggle. The party of the Algerian National Movement was founded in July 1954 by Messale . Subsequently, the National Liberation Front (Algeria) was founded in October 1954 by the branch of CRUA (Revolutionary Committee of Unity and Action).
The National Liberation Front (Algeria) and the Algerian National Movement not only compete for control of the revolution but also to represent the future state. Messali Hajj will be released from prison in 1958 and will be assigned to house arrest in France.
National Liberation Front
In 1954 , Algeria has about eight million indigenous and a little more than a million "of French Algeria" ( Blackfoot and Algeria Jews naturalized).
The struggle for equal rights has long been engaged by intellectuals, and especially by the movement of clerics. The use in combat is initiated by the "National Liberation Front (FLN), a nationalist organization based in Algeria and outside Algeria. The FLN begins its shares in 1954 , only two years before the Tunisia and Morocco get their full independence by negotiation (Tunisia and Morocco were not colonies but protectorates ). Some French politicians of the extreme left, called "suitcase carriers", supported this movement (sending weapons and money) .
In 1954, the armed struggle for independence of Algeria by the FLN results in abuses against the civilian populations of European descent and indigenous as well as a guerrilla , of scrub and clashes with the French Army , which also includes supplementary units Muslims called " Harkis "(cf. Harkis during the war in Algeria ). On 1 November 1954 European and Muslim civilians were murdered by the FLN, which the teacher Monnerot. This assassination will scar the minds of Algerians and Europeans in Algeria.
Minority at first, if not totally ignored the Muslim populations, the FLN used terror, torture, mutilation (death threats for being "traitors") to control the civilian population, who are thus early been targeted in attacks or massacres such as in El Halia, a small mining village near Philippeville in August 1955, and to awaken in a crackdown that Europeans will make thousands of deaths. The bodies will be buried by bulldozer in Municipal Stadium Philippeville .
The appeal to the Algerian people
On 1 November 1954 , the General Secretariat of the National Liberation Front broadcasts the Declaration of 1 November 1954 thanks to a radio call for "the Algerian people" and writing in order to "shed light on the underlying reasons that Combatants Europeans in Algeria the FLN The FLN has several foreign support, first from the "fraternal countries", the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republic of Tunisia , which are beyond the status of French protectorates in 1956 and the territories of their respective borders with border Algeria 'play the role of sanctuaries and rear bases. This will lead to the complicity of border battle , which will bring the French to build on the Tunisian-Algerian border the famous Morice Line and the Line Challe. Other impacts, the boarding of the plane of Ben Bella and the case Sakiet which itself leads to the coup of 13 May 1958 in Algiers and the fall of the Fourth Republic. The Libya plays a key role in organizing convoys of arms to the Algerian maquis. Support to the FLN from another Arab country, Egypt, where Lieutenant-Colonel Nasser advocated a policy of pan-Arabism ( Nasser ), and supported Soviet supplies weapons to the FLN. The French secret service ( SDECE ) that monitor the rais , can demonstrate military aid to the FLN by Egypt. And boarded the freighter Athos is carrying more than 70 tons of the Czech arms 24 October 1956 . Claiming the support of the FLN Egypt, France plans with its allies the Israeli and British Suez campaign. Overall, most members of the Arab League, those of Afro-Asian bloc and the countries of Eastern Europe have supported the independence of Algeria. Countries in Eastern Europe such as Yugoslavia (Marshal Tito supports early Algerian uprising), the Czechoslovakia and Hungary will actively support the FLN from 1957 to 1962, providing most of the weapons to the maquis internal of ALN It is also worth noting the fairly important role played by the forces of the left Italy, all tendencies in their moral support to the Algerian cause. The appeal to foreign powers, it is finally the legal processes of the UN , where the FLN managed to write "the Algerian question" on the agenda of the Political Committee of the United Nations , . The Americans proposed mediation, it is "good offices", which are also rejected by France. key diplomatic support of the FLN and the GPRA (Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria) are The Soviet Union , the People's Republic of China , the India , the Indonesia and Viet Nam. A broad movement born of revolt over the years. The Algerian connection, without the right policy, France becomes a citizen French by the Act of September 20, 1947 and can now move freely between Algeria and the metropolis , . According to journalist and author Yves Courrire : "During the twentieth century , 75% of Algerians were not in school. The majority of the population was unemployed. The settlers did their business. The Algerian was about France and not a citizen of France " . The majority of Algerians living in the countryside. With U.S. aid under the Marshall Plan, 403,503 students are enrolled in primary education from 1951 to 1952 throughout the territory of Algeria. However the program to enlarge the cities and reduce the proportion of rural people has been realized in part by the French government. In 1954, the elimination of Algerian nationalists in the elections of the Algerian Assembly marks the breaking point and the failure of political nationalism. At the meeting of 22, the vote was in favor of armed struggle. The action will come from the army CRUA. The outbreak of the Algerian revolution was decided in Algiers at the meeting of the 6 leaders of the Revolutionary Committee of Unity and Action (CRUA) , . The CRUA will become the National Liberation Front (FLN). The six leaders of the FLN who made the outbreak of hostilities on November 1, 1954 are Bitat Rabah , Ben Mostefa Boulaid , Didouche Mourad , Mohamed Boudiaf , Belkacem Krim and Larbi Ben M'Hidi. The Declaration of 1 November 1954 is transmitted by radio from Tunis. On the night of 1 November 1954 , the barracks of the city of Batna is attacked by the mujahideen. This night will be called by the French historians " Toussaint rouge ". A boss and two French teachers will be slaughtered on the road to Biskra and Arris. There will be two different versions of the facts. Attacks are recorded in the three districts of Batna , Biskra and Khenchela and the rest of the country. During a trip to Algeria, Mitterrand said "The French presence is maintained in this country." Operations are triggered in the Aures. The National Liberation Army (NLA) does so only 500 men who will, after a few months, more than 15,000 to challenge French authority . 100 000 French soldiers are serving in the Aures mountains and later they will be more than 400 000 in Algeria. General Cherriere gives orders to the sweep of the Aures. He thinks to win, but will suffer a big defeat . Then there was the massacre of Skikda (ex-Philippeville or Skikda ), the death of hundreds of Algerian demonstrators, from 20 to 26 August 1955. The same year, the Algerian case is placed on the agenda the UN General Assembly. Also note the death of Ben Boulaid Mostefa of Zighoud Youcef , etc.. Several leaders have been imprisoned . French intellectuals will help the NLF . Maurice Audin was tortured and killed by the French . Frantz Fanon agrees with the Algerian resistance and has contacts with some officers of the ALN (Army of Liberation national) and with the political leadership of the FLN, Abane Ramdane and Benyoucef Benkhedda in particular. He resigned from chief physician of the hospital in Blida -Joinville in November 1956 to Governor Robert Lacoste , and is expelled from Algeria in January 1957. Albert Camus , a native of Algeria, was an advocate Algerian in the 1940s, before refusing to take a stand for independence with his famous phrase pronounced at Stockholm in 1957: "If I had to choose between justice and my mother, I still choose my mother." From 1956 , Jean-Paul Sartre and the journal Les Temps Modernes take sides against the idea of a French Algeria and support the desire for independence of the Algerian people. Sartre protested against Torture , demanding freedom for the peoples to decide their fate, analyzes the violence as gangrene, a product of colonialism . In 1960 , during the trial networks of support to the FLN, he said "carrier bag" FLN . This position is not without danger, his apartment will be plastic storage twice by the OAS and Modern Times entered five times. After conviction of Larbi Ben M'Hidi and after the completion of the Congress Soummam , FLN includes the leaders of the Algerian National Movement (NAM). Several Algerian parties adhere to the cause of the FLN. The National Liberation Front and the French army held the same language: "Those who are not with us are against us" . The war broke out between the heads Kabyle ( Krim Belkacem , Ouamrane, etc.) and heads chaouis and also between the heads of chaouis Aures and heads of chaouis Nemenchas . Abdelhai Leghrour Abbes and will be sentenced to death by supporters of the Congress of Soummam and the Committee of Coordination and Execution (CCE). There will also be a conflict between people of southern Algeria and the Kabyle leaders . The Tunisia will be the scene of confrontation between different leaders. President Bourguiba was to intervene to pacify things. The Aures, the Constantine, western Algeria, Kabylia, will be the most strategic areas of the revolution. The Morocco will also play an important role, especially for transit of arms, hold meetings and host FLN Algerian troops. Morocco and Tunisia under French protectorate until 1956, nonetheless will host the two armies at the borders of the ALN and several leaders of the FLN as Ferhat Abbas The French army had built the dam of death, 320 km long, 7,000 volts, a checkpoint every 15 miles, thousands of landmines , etc.. to prevent the passage of arms in the Aures and throughout eastern Algeria. But the elements of the NLA ( National Liberation Army ) will thwart any French military strategy. Cities (Algerian population) will be under the control of the Algerian Liberation Army. The Battle of Algiers will be one of the international press and internally. The conflict is brought to the United Nations. Also, there will be several strikes and demonstrations in cities. The protests were organized by the FLN. Colonel Amir Ait Hamouda will be a massacre in the Aures involved in trying to unify areas of the Aures and put the weapons in Kabylie . The Aures was the crossing point of arms into the interior. Colonel Amir Ait Hamouda managed to get the weapons came from Egypt via the border with Tunisia and Algeria. It crosses the Aures to join the Kabylie. Twenty chaouis will be the journey, but in the end they will abandon the troops of Colonel Amir to return to the Aures. Krim Belkacem wanted to control the Aures region to establish the union of men forces.Les Ben Bella and Abdelhafid Boussouf also wanted to have one foot in the Aures. At the same time, France will know his internal crisis until the arrival to power of General Charles de Gaulle because of the situation in Algeria. The Ultras of Europe want to keep Algeria French. The French Army decides to create the prohibited areas under the control of SAS (specialized administrative sections) and starts a fight against Djounoudes (guerrillas) and the local population in towns, villages, and douars in all territories sensitive to the FLN. The massive bombings, killings, massacres, torture, rape, etc.. All acts of crime were used in this war. Several attacks will be organized by the NLA in the towns and villages in prohibited areas and in mountainous areas of the Aures. The CEC ( Coordinating Committee and implementation ) was enlarged and decides to keep the focus on military targets and so that the primacy of the interior from outside. A crisis occurs between members of the Coordinating Committee and implementation. According to Yves Courrire , Abane Ramdane severely opposed to the military. He chose to go underground and appoint Haj Ali, a man of the Aures, to overthrow the CEC to Tunis but will be sentenced to prison in Morocco / A> by CCE. Later he is killed in Morocco, but the FLN souces say he was killed in a clash with the French Army. General Charles de Gaulle French head of state commits a struggle against the elements of the Algerian National Liberation Army and he brings much-needed reforms to give all rights to Algerians. The French Army removed almost all networks of the National Liberation Army in Kabylia and in some sensitive areas in the twin operation. Colonels Amir Ait Hamouda and Si el Haoues are killed in a clash with elements of the French Army. The FLN called the elements of his army to take until the end. The Delegation of the main leaders of the FLN ( Mohamed Khider , Mostefa Lacheraf , Hocine Ait Ahmed , Mohamed Boudiaf and Ahmed Ben Bella ) is stopped, following the hijacking, 22 October 1956 by the French army, their Moroccan civil aircraft, between Rabat and Tunis , in the direction of Cairo ( Egypt ) . Algerians in France are organizing bombings and demonstrations in France in favor of the FLN. 1960 , week barricades at Algiers killed 22 people and hundreds of Algerian prisoners. General de Gaulle announces a referendum for the independence of Algeria. The Algerians are required to vote. Some French generals are rebelling against the authority of General de Gaulle (the Algiers Putsch (1958) and Generals putsch ). General de Gaulle takes in hand the destiny of France. He announced the holding of a referendum and calls on the FNL to the peace of the brave. Meanwhile, the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria is proclaimed. Ferhat Abbas French declined the invitation. Colonel Houari Boumedienne was then leader of the National Liberation Army. In 1960, the UN announced the right to self-determination of the Algerian people. The French side holding talks with the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria. Several meetings outside the country will lead to the Evian agreements. Colonel Houari Boumedienne refused the Blackfoot remain in Algeria. 17 October 1961, when the dark night to Paris , also called the Battle of Paris ( Massacre of 17 October 1961 ), many Algerians are killed in France during a demonstration of the FLN. There will be thousands of arrests among Algerians during the night. This fact occurs as a result of the introduction of curfews for Algerians in Paris following the killing of 21 French police officers by the FLN. In Algiers. The Algerian people out into the streets to express their joy of independence. There will be many dead and wounded by the French police . The Secret Army Organization (OAS) is organizing attacks against Algerians, despite the ceasefire agreement and the results of the referendum for independence to punish people who were for. The independence of Algeria was proclaimed after the results . The largest library in Algiers was completely destroyed by the OAS ( Secret Army Organization . Elements of the French army in Algeria remain to evacuate a million French ( Blackfoot , the Harkis , the Jews , etc..). One million Algerian refugees returning to Algeria. From 20 to 26 August 1955, the war changed radically face with the bloody events that shook the northern department of Constantine , and especially the city of Philippeville occur where terrible massacres of civilians of both sides of repression followed by a blind French army dashing all hopes of peace. More and more historians believe that it was after the killings and not those of Setif (May 1945) that the insurgency is being radicalized by opting for all-out war as the only means to be listening French colonial authorities. On 29 January 1956 , following legislative elections , the National Assembly invested the Mollet Government which took office on 1 February 1956. On 30 January 1956 , General George Catroux was appointed Resident-General in Algeria to replace Jacques Soustelle , the departure of the latter causes a significant mobilization of support in Algiers: the crowd follows him to the pier and beyond the service of order, Mr. Soustelle is obliged to borrow a ladder to get to fly aboard the boat bringing the mainland . On 6 February 1956 , the trip to Algiers Guy Mollet Front (Republican), in his words "to examine in situ the situation" , resulting in an incident has now been immortalized as the "day of tomatoes. " When the motorcade went to the War Memorial in Algiers, he is booed and greeted by a mob led by the Joint Committee of Veterans Affairs who throws him, among other things, tomatoes and jeers as a sign of discontent against the appointment of General Catroux . The voice of mayors of Algiers was portrayed in the local press, is the famous formula of L'Echo d'Alger , "maintaining Catroux mean the collapse of Algeria" , what the socialist newspaper The People responded that "pressure from extremists , demonstrations of force and violence will be ineffective " . Following the day of tomatoes, George Catroux resigns to Ren Coty to avoid "conflict of conception and action on a problem with his former national capital comrades" ; Catroux is substituted by Robert Lacoste. In 1956, France, who suspected the Colonel Nasser to support the FLN in resources and arms engages in " campaign in Egypt , "which froze its relations with Arab countries and the USSR . With the help of Israel and the United Kingdom, the French paratroopers fighting the Egyptians and regain control of the Suez Canal but the Soviet president Nikita Khrushchev's threat to use nuclear weapons against London and Paris if the Anglo-French expeditionary force does not withdraw from Egypt . The United States then the pressure on British Prime Minister Anthony Eden and threatened to devalue the currency of his country if his troops do not withdraw from Egypt, what they will and their French allies (the fleet of the body Expeditionary is under British command above) . On 22 October 1956 , the SDECE who learned independence movement officials inform members of the Cabinet of Minister Robert Lacoste Algeria. They organize the diversion to Algiers from DC-3 , the company's civil Moroccan Atlas Air , through liaison Rabat-Tunis . The crew and the French commander Gaston Grellier receives instructions in flight. On board, the hostess Claudine Lambert tries not to arouse the suspicions of passengers who are armed, it's five historic leaders of the FLN , Ahmed Ben Bella , Mohamed Khider , Mostefa Lacheraf , Hocine Ait Ahmed and Mohamed Boudiaf. Once the plane landed, the French troops storm and challenge Ben Bella and his companions. The audacity of the operation causing diplomatic tensions between Paris and Rabat , and a controversy arises as a result of the assertion in the media that the armed forces in Algeria have made this coup without notifying civil authorities, that is to say Robert Lacoste. However the French army, through the voice of General Massu, refutes this version and denies any involvement in the case that would actually work the firm Lacoste . The same year, Guy Mollet decides to appeal to the quota for the so-called Pacification in Algeria. Now it will be over 470 000 troops to be deployed permanently in the country. The General Salan assumed command of the military region that is Algeria. The attacks are increasing throughout the territory and the guerrillas began to distinguish himself in the mountains, the Legionnaires and paratroopers must intervene regularly in the Aures , in Kabylia and elsewhere. The French army is on the defensive. Each month, thousands of attacks occur, increasing the violence of repression; Thus, only during the month of January 1957, the FLN has conducted more than 100 attacks in Algiers and nearly 4,000 in the rest of the country . Recognizing that the guerrilla war in rural areas do not allow him to have an international audience, The FLN attempts by various means to infiltrate Algiers to carry on a terrorist campaign, which will lead to the Battle of Algiers. In 1957, the rivalry between the National Liberation Front and the Algerian National Movement gave rise to the massacre Melouza whose official death toll is 315 dead. The year 1957 saw the unfolding of the battle of Algiers. Under the command of General Massu , the 10th Airborne Division is the maintenance of order in the capital. Paratroopers (8000 men) manage to destroy the bombers. The FLN loses the battle and its structure in the capital is destroyed. Meanwhile, General Salan organizing the guerrilla-cons through technical grid. Less trained, the men of quota and number of older reservists are mostly confined to barracks or to establish surveillance missions while organizing mobile troops on the ground, the eradication of the maquis . Sweeps and operations research and destruction are carried out continuously using helicopters. Hundreds of villages are invested by special forces searching for weapons caches of the guerrilla independence leading to a large number of blunders. On January 7, 1957, general government gives full police powers to General Jacques Massu and 6000 paratroopers from the 10th Airborne Division on the big Algiers. Their mission is to dismantle the cells of the FLN in Algiers. To achieve this goal, the paratroopers will massively use of torture as the systematic torture against terror concept. In nine months, the cells are dismantled FLN Algiers' one to one but at a price of 3024 disappearances of suspects. Torture is condoned by the general government especially as it enables the prevention of bomb attacks. Torture techniques perfected: electric shocks or " gegene "hanging by members," bathtub ", ...) The use of summary executions of suspects is commonplace. 12 September 1957 to February 7, 1958, nearly two border incidents are reported in the region of the Tunisian village of Sidi Youssef Sakiet . February 8, 1957, the weekly market day in the small border town of Sidi Youssef Sakiet , the bombers of the French Air Force conducting raids murderers in the main square of the village, killing nearly 80 people, without after dozens wounded, mostly civilians, Tunisian and Algerian refugees. Following the departure of Felix Gaillard leaving vacant the post of head of government, a serious government crisis moves April 15th. The army took power May 13, 1958, in Algiers. At 18 am in the capital of French Algeria - France's second city - Pierre Lagaillarde , student leader of the rebellion against the French republic and commander of reserve militia launched its Group of 7 to assault the building Government-General of Algiers , a symbol of national authority and the French Republic. At 18 h 30 "GG", chaired by Governor Lacoste ( SFIO ) fell to the rebels. In Paris, in response to the " coup d'Alger , "the Government Pierre Pflimlin ( MRP ) is created, it will last until May 28, 1958. The image of France in the world, particularly in Western Europe has deteriorated sharply. Meanwhile in Algiers, General Jacques Massu , commander of the 10th Parachute Division of the Battle of Algiers , headed the committee of Public Hi and informed the President Rene Coty of the Republican Union (UR) that awaits the formation of a " Government Public Hi. May 16, demonstrations of "brotherhood" between Europeans and Muslims are held on the Place du Forum in Algiers. About these events, the Council President de Gaulle said during his first trip to Algeria , June 6, 1958 in Mostaganem , Oran Department : "He left this beautiful land of Algeria copy a movement of renewal and fellowship. He rose from the earth experienced a breath and bruised admirable, above the sea, came to spend the whole of France to remind him what his purpose here and elsewhere ... There is no longer here, I declare in his name and I give you my word that the French full-fledged, compatriots, fellow citizens, brothers who now walk in life by holding hands " - Speech in Mostaganem, June 6, 1958 June 1, following the Operation Resurrection in Corsica which announces the imminence of a coup in Paris, the President announced that he delegated his powers to the "most illustrious of French, General de Gaulle. It forms a government of public and hello in the wake announces the creation of a new constitution. It's the end of the fourth republic. Proposed under the presidency of the Republic of Rene Coty and the government headed by Charles de Gaulle , the Referendum of September 28, 1958 asked the French to ratify the text of the new constitution which laid the foundations of the Fifth Republic. Backed by over four-fifths vote, the constitution was promulgated on 4 October 1958 and the Fifth Republic was proclaimed the next day. In the French colonies the referendum is also aimed at the creation of the French Community. Regarding the meaning of the referendum in Algeria, General de Gaulle declares August 30, 1958: "By their vote, the people of Algeria will provide an answer to the question of their own destiny. The ballots in the ballot box they will have, on a crucial point, a clear meaning. For each, answer "yes" in the present circumstances, it will mean, at least, we want to behave like a full French and it is believed that the necessary evolution of Algeria must s perform in French " 96% of Algerians, Europeans and Muslims, 75% of the 4,412,171 registered voters say "yes" to the new constitution, despite calls for the boycott launched by the FLN. This is the first election in which Algerian women involved , . After the referendum in Algeria, de Gaulle declares October 3 to Constantine : "Three and a half million men and women of Algeria, without distinction as to community and in full equality, came from villages in all regions and districts of all cities in France and bring it to myself Bulletin of confidence. They did not simply that no one forced them, despite the threats posed by fanatics about them, their families and their property. This is a fact as clear as the bright light of heaven. And this is crucial ... For this reason it commits one to the other and forever Algeria and France " . He also announced a comprehensive investment plan in Algeria, suggesting a sustained commitment of France in Algeria. But the new constitution provides in Article 53 that a part of French territory to be transferred with the consent of affected populations under a single law , . On September 16, 1959, De Gaulle in a speech opening the way for self-determination. He announced that all Algerians have to decide on their future. Three options are emerging : De Gaulle did not conceal his hostility to the first two solutions. According to him, the first may lead to misery and a communist dictatorship. Regarding the second, he had explained to Alain Peyrefitte , in March 1959: "
" The facts of war
Chronology
The Fourth Republic and the conduct of Algerian affairs (1954-1958)
Attacks and State of Emergency (November 1954-July 1955)
Massacres of Constantine (20-26 August 1955)
Day tomatoes (February 1956)
Operation Bluebird (1956)
The aspirant Jersey, Palestro (April-May 1956)
Congress of Soummam (August 1956)
Case of Egypt (1956)
hijacking of Ben Bella (October 1956)
The appeal to the quota (1956-1957)
Melouza Massacre (1957)
Increased hostilities (1957-1958)
The Battle of Algiers (January 7 to September 24, 1957)
Case of Tunisia (1957-1958)
bluenesses (1957-1958)
Algiers Putsch Committee and public hello (May 1958)
De Gaulle and the conduct of Algerian affairs (1958-1962)
Back to business and Fifth Republic (September 1958-1959)
The possibility of secession, opened by the speech of 16 September and the use of universal suffrage, worried supporters of French Algeria.
Week of the Barricades (January 1960)
Case If Salah (June 1960)
Protest and riots of December 1960
Generals Putsch (April 1961)
The partition of Algeria in question (1961)
On 28 June 1961, Prime Minister Michel Debre officially expressed a last resort, the partition of Algeria , based on the experience of one secession in several other countries at that time ( South Africa , Germany , Korea , Vietnam ). The idea is being studied by the member Alain Peyrefitte at the request of de Gaulle, the Gaullist deputy proposes to consolidate between Algiers and Oran all French-born Muslims and pro-French, transfer the rest of Algeria all Muslims prefer to live in Algeria led by the FLN and to establish a line of demarcation in Algiers, like Berlin and Jerusalem , which would separate the European Quarter in the Muslim Quarter. The proposal was rejected by de Gaulle in November 1961. For Maurice Allais , if the solution of the partition, which has often drawn "caricatures" met little favor that's only because it was fiercely rejected by extremists on both sides. He said that partition was "the only reasonable solution, however," .
New case of Tunisia (July 1961)
In July, following new tensions between Paris and Tunisia Independent about the French strategic naval base of Bizerte, a brief but bloody war (1 000-2 000 deaths ) broke out between France and Tunisia, together FLN, whose territory is used as a sanctuary to the NLA.
Secret Army Organization (1961-1962)
Battle of Bab El-Oued (March 1962)
Rejecting the ceasefire declared on March 13 by de Gaulle, activists of the OAS take refuge in his stronghold of Bab El-Oued , said "European quarter" of Algiers. The battle that ensues gives rise to a struggle between extremists of the Delta commandos and riot police French. Soon the aircraft of the Naval Air pounded buildings occupied by the OAS, while the tanks of the French army took position in the neighborhood under siege.
Shooting in the Rue d'Isly (March 1962)
Attack of the port of Algiers (May 2, 1962)
May 2, 1962, a terrorist attack in the car bombing perpetrated by members of the OAS at the port of Algiers is 110 dead and 150 wounded, mostly dock workers and job seekers. The vast outpouring of solidarity triggered from different parts of the capital by the whole population, European and Muslim alike, responded to the shooting of ultras from the OAS of surrounding buildings, which have targeted the wounded, ambulances and many people from participating in rescue operations, causing carnage.
Exodus Blackfoot (Summer 1962)
After the repression of Isly and anarchy created by the combined attacks and crossed the OAS and the FLN, a fraction of the European population of Algeria has acceded to the visions of the OAS refused to live in a territory without French-and begins a mass exodus. Only later and in a hurry to decide that the other French in Algeria (Europeans and Jews)-first indecisive to be repatriated in France, under pressure, while a small part of them (the extremists), feeling betrayed by the French government has always had a strong anti-French sentiment, emigrated abroad, particularly in Alicante , . The Blackfoot of the department of Constantine, the more loyal than those of Oran with respect to the motherland, almost all will return to France, where despite the poor reception conditions, continue to live there.
Agreements secrets OAS-FLN (June 1962)
In June 1962, Jean-Jacques Susini , theoretician of the OAS, took the initiative in secret contacts with the FLN in order to negotiate the retention of Algeria's population of European descent , . Having reached a tentative agreement with a representative of the FLN, Susini announces cease-fire fighters of the OAS. However, agreements have been denounced by leaders of the FLN, while at the same time leaders of the OAS refused the principles of such an agreement, accusing him of treason Susini. He is threatened with death by his peers. Finally, the process of reconciliation between both communities in Algeria is running short and the OAS will do everything, including sowing terror among the European community for being illegally discharged Resolution of the case of Algeria (July 1962) On July 3, 1962, three months after the Evian agreements and two days after the referendum of self-determination in Algeria on July 1, President de Gaulle formally announces the recognition by France of the independence of Algeria, for the way of a letter addressed to the President of the Provisional Executive. The Provisional Executive was a body set up by the Evian agreements and for ensuring the country's leadership during the transition period between the cease-fire and then the transfer of sovereignty to the election a constituent assembly in Algeria . During the war in Algeria, three major communities live in the French departments of Algeria. The majority community is the so-called "Muslim" consisting of Arabs (including the descendants of the Moors of Spain), Kabyle , other Berbers and the descendants of the Ottomans. She lives with two minorities. The larger of the two is called the community of all peoples of origin "European" (mainly Alsace-Lorraine , Languedoc , Switzerland ) and "Mediterranean" ( Corsica , Malta , the Puglia , the Sardinia , the Balearics , the ' Andalucia ) called Blackfoot (name of uncertain origin), while the oldest is the so-called "Israelites," indigenous to the country (the Jewish presence in Algeria is very old and dates back to 3000 years) and n has ceased to receive contributions over the centuries, especially to Spain after the reconquista and Livorno with origins preceding the French landing of 1830. The diversity of each individual community is also reflected in the diversity and inconsistency of policy commitments in each of them in this sense that war, at least as it is lived in Algeria, can be seen as a civil war. Each community becomes the issue of belligerents who are trying to generate interest for his fight and rallying people to his cause. To prevent people to help the FLN, the military focus, the report said Rocard in 1959, one million civilians (half of them children) in rural areas in " grouping camps " . In February 1959 , Michel Rocard , a student at ENA and training in Algeria, sent a report on the camps close to a reunion Delouvrier , Delegate General in Algeria. March 31, he gave orders to the military authorities to suspend the groupings, and concentrate resources on improving the existing camps. This order will be followed quite loosely. The existence of the camp reunion and their condition is generally ignored by the metropolitan population, until 22 July 1959, when Le Figaro made headlines with a story of Peter Macaigne which shocked readers. A propaganda campaign is launched. The comparison with the concentration camps was mentioned. The army bombed massively napalm and incendiary bombs villages and hamlets in the Aures to quell the rebellion Chaouis , . For its part, the FLN has recourse to targeted attacks, assassinations and killings of rivals including the NAM , . After independence, the French army refused to intervene to ensure the safety of its hired Muslims as July 5, 1962 in Oran to protect Europeans , . Between 15,000 and 150,000 harkis were massacred by the FLN , and 30 000 harkis took refuge in France where they were herded into internment camps on government orders. These figures are totally rejected by all Algerian governments have followed since independence. Massacre of Oran (July 1962)
War as experienced by communities of Algeria (1954-1962)
Muslim community during the war
European Community during the war
Jewish community during the war
During the war Algeria, community Jewish deeply Algeria has generally oriented toward a neutralist stance. Community organizations are exercising extreme restraint and refuse to take political positions because they believe that it is not their responsibility, yet - despite numerous attempts - some embrace the cause of the FLN and other 's engage in the OAS.
Some Jewish intellectuals such as Henri Alleg , took up the cause of the Algerian nationalist FLN (National Liberation Front).
Conversely, Jews sympathize with the OAS, to Algiers and Oran basically (they are particularly active in Oran). Grouped within the "Commandos Hill" These groups are linked to networks "France Insurrection" and led by Elijah Azoulai and Ben Attar, kill some Muslims elected, trying to set fire to a prison where inmates are men and shoot down the FLN French officers (including Lieutenant-Colonel Ransom).
The FLN attacks affect the synagogues and rabbis (in January 1962, the FLN commit attacks in the Jewish quarter of Mostaganem , a grenade was thrown at a market in the Jewish quarter of Constantine in May ...). Previously, the singer Raymond Leyris gun was shot down in April 1961 in Constantine.
Jews of Algeria were also victims of the OAS (in Algiers in November 1961: William Levy in December 1961: Moses Choukroun ...).
War of the mother lived (1954-1962)
Control of information by state (1954-1962)
The French Radio and Television (RTF), the only French broadcasting organization, is composed of five channels of radio channels and two television. It is under the direct control of the State , pursuant to Ordinance 1945 on the monopoly of state on the national airwaves. Therefore the Elysee full control information and assumes the right to censure , not the mother perceives that events in Algeria through the prism of the state.
In Algeria, the press, in the hands of the capital of large landowners, published daily throughout the conflict in which some information is more akin to news of victory in use in totalitarian dictatorships Camps residency (1957-1962) During the war in Algeria, the French Ministry of Interior in 1957 secured the possibility of using new to administrative action. Several centers of house arrest were created in France at military sites: Larzac (Aveyron), Rivesaltes (Pyrnes-Orientales), Saint-Maurice-l'Ardoise (Gard), Thol (Ain), Vadenay (Marne). Nearly 14,000 Algerians suspected of being members of the National Liberation Front (FLN) were interned there. In response to an article in L'Express condemning the practice of torture by the French army in Algeria, a protest alleging torture by the FLN is organized. On July 22, 1956, Captain Moureau, indigenous affairs, was kidnapped Bouizakarn , Morocco and returned to the FLN who torture for a year. French commandos is found, mutilated, and shorten their suffering at his request . The demonstration in honor of Captain Moureau captive FLN, takes place at Place de l'Etoile 3 April 1957 and degenerates into a confrontation with police in Paris on the Champs-Elysees . On May 13, 1958 held at the Champs-Elysees a demonstration in memory of three French soldiers taken prisoner by the FLN which was executed on May 9 . Thirty or the nonviolent civic action (ACNV) is a heterogeneous group, composed of deserters refusing to fulfill their obligation to serve in Algeria, clergymen and Muslims, which has engaged in peaceful demonstrations in France . Following the trial of the " suitcase carriers "of the network Jeanson , intellectuals and artists launched the manifesto of the 121 on 6 September 1960. In response, Marshal Alphonse Juin launches the " manifesto of the 340-cons " . The mayor of Evian , M. Camille Blanc is assassinated by the OAS March 31, 1961 for a formal welcome in his hometown of FLN delegates from negotiating with a French delegation. The curfew is established in Paris in 1961 for French Muslims from Algeria following the killing of 21 French police officers by the FLN. From 1958 to 1961 bombings of the FLN are 191 victims in the ranks of the police at 54 dead and 137 wounded . In early 1962, under the leadership of Andre Canal , the Mission III (Metropolitan branch of the OAS ) multiplies the bombings in the Paris region. January 4, a commando in the building of car shot Communist Party , Kossuth Square, seriously wounding a militant in the 2nd floor balcony. On the night of Jan. 6 to 7, is the home of Jean-Paul Sartre that is subject to blowing up. January 24, there are 21 explosions in the department of Seine , to individuals or organizations alleged hostile to the ideology of the OAS . A police control is established in Paris, which does that in the afternoon of February 7, ten loads exploding plastic at the home of personalities: two law professors, Roger Pinto and Georges Vedel , two journalists Peter Bromberger of Figaro , and Vladimir Pozner , seriously wounded, two officers, Communist Senator Raymond Guyot whose wife is injured. A final attack aimed Andre Malraux makes a blind 4 year old girl, Delphine Renard . The human toll has long been difficult to establish given the differences in history officially recognized by the two countries . The figures on the French mainland and Algeria, "French Muslims" and armyworms are best known (OJ 4 and 7 August 1986): 24,614 military personnel including 371 sailors died, 1,047 of the Army air and 487 gendarmes. After the ceasefire, 360 other soldiers died, not counting the missing. Of these nearly 25,000 soldiers died, there are about 5000 "French Muslims" killed two thirds of which were called . In addition, there are 65,000 wounded soldiers . For the French civilians, the total is 2,788 killed . It must be added after the ceasefire, including abductions 3018 1282 found (de Broglie statement of 24 November 1964, confirmed by letter of November 9, 1994 Santini), numbers close to those evoking Pervill 2000 killed 3 000 removed . After July 2, 1962, it is unfortunate more than 500 soldiers "died for France" in Algeria, more than half were killed or abducted by the NLA . Algerian casualties are very difficult if not impossible to assess, because the sources are not only different but are silent victims in remote rural areas. General de Gaulle spoke of 78,000 casualties in October 1958 and 145,000 in November 1959 . According Djamila Amrane (Algerian archives), a cumulative total of 336 748 mujahideen (132,290 guerrillas in the FLN and FLN 204 458 civilians) were killed 152 863 , , a value that corresponds substantially to the 2 nd Office. However, this thesis, not without ulterior motives ideological, tending to suggest a massive rally the Muslim population to the FLN has been repeatedly undermined. Some sources say that the number of NLA fighters would never have crossed the figure of 15 000 combatants while other sources say that the FLN was never able to mobilize more than 10,000 combatants in scrub . Civilians make up the bulk of the casualties of Muslim populations. The number of fighters of the NLA killed remains unknown to date. On the Algerian side, the FLN in 1964 has nearly 1.5 million victims of this war. This figure will become official in 1965. As for the constitutional figure of 1 million martyrs (Preamble to the Constitution of 1963), it is not included in the constitutions of 1976 and 1996 . Historians and demographers have addressed the question: according to Guy Pervill "Contrary to myth accredited in Algeria ... the war has not caused 1 million or 1 and a half million Algerians dead ... even if the comparison of censuses before and after 1962 does not establish with certainty a balance of less than 300,000 or even 250,000 dead " , . Xavier Yacono in an article published in 1983, still believes from censuses losses Algerian approximately 250 000 deaths . Algerian officials argue their side that demographics are not held accountable for the massacres in douars and hamlets (8000 razed the card during the war) and that these figures may be more to the number of deaths in cities where Algerians were indeed identified and recorded in the registry since 1881. We can, however, that statistical tables listing all the people of Algeria, to the smallest douar existed since at least 1884 , and marital status existed for Muslims in the full-function joint and in mixed municipalities, that is to say on the whole territory of Algeria before 1881 . The fratricidal war between the FLN and the MNA, movement Messali Hajj is 4 300 killed and 9000 wounded in France and about 6,000 killed and 4,000 injured in Algeria . The FLN was responsible, between 1954 and March 19, 1962, death of 16,378 Algerian civilians and 13,296 missing, according to Guy Pervill . As the number of harkis massacred after the cease-fire, estimates vary between 15,000 and 100,000 people . The numbers of dead are still challenged because based on local evidence and believed extended throughout the country, which is unlikely. However, according to Jean-Charles Jauffret , "It seems that a consensus gradually gathers French historians about this issue and an evaluation from 60 to 80 000 victims or restraint" . The killings began in March Supplementary 1962 and peaked in the fall. They are due to settling of scores between rival clans, revenge but also the zeal of the "Martians" FLN joined the 25th hour, wanting to show their patriotism front. Moreover, the torture during the war in Algeria has been practiced by both the French army by the Algerian insurgents, with the notable difference that practiced by the special services of the French army and was within the Legionnaires method was clearly a scientific and industrial, while that used by the FLN remained traditional and primitive. The number of torture victims is unknown but is expected to involve hundreds of thousands of indigenous people and hundreds of French prisoners . The number of missing has never been known. Some were executed and buried in clandestine graves or in municipal stadiums. The laws of amnesties were enacted during and after the war. The first amnesty law for members of the FLN and was established by the Council of Ministers on 13 January 1959 , the first president of the Fifth Republic took office, Charles de Gaulle , as part of the peace the brave and is the first cabinet of President de Gaulle. The Evian Accords have provided the guarantee of no prosecution for all acts committed by the warring parties in Algeria before March 19, 1962 . This policy continued after the war (laws or decrees of 1962 , , 1966 , 1968 , 1974, 1982 and 1987) . A special law was passed granting amnesty to those responsible for the case Audin / Sup>. After double-laws of 1962, the only acts that can be pursued are those of torture by French forces against members of the OAS , the Court of Cassation considered that there was no crime against humanity during the war Algeria. It dismisses the possibility of lawsuits against General Paul Aussaresses. Without denying the torture, nor their classification as a crime against humanity under the current penal code (entered into force on 1 March 1994), current case law precludes the classification of crimes against humanity as defined in Penal Code of the time: when the events occurred prior to 1 March 1994, only acts committed by the Axis powers are likely to take the qualification of crimes against humanity. Associations for the Defence of Human Rights as the FIDH require a reversal . In 1982 , under the government Mauroy , a continuation of previous amnesties, comes the "ultimate administrative standardization" , the "career review" and the rehabilitation of the generals coup . The law of February 23, 2005 (which only section 4 has been removed) gives a "liquidated damages" and not taxable to "persons (...) that have been in direct relation with the events in Algeria (...) , convictions or sanctions amnesty "(s.13) , and not among the beneficiaries mentioned in the law (No. 82-1021 ) of 3 December 1982 . Athanasius Georgopoulos, former OAS refugee in Spain before returning to France, was appointed to the Board responsible for implementing this compensation (Decree of 29 December 2005) . The General Bollardire sanctioned sixty days' confinement in a fortress for denouncing torture , has not been rehabilitated. It was at that time the only senior French to condemn torture . The agreements signed at Evian on 18 March 1962 contained a clause in which the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA), the guarantor of authority in independent Algeria, pledged to observe a general amnesty guaranteeing the non-formal continuing French soldiers who commit crimes of violence . The aim of this agreement was to President de Gaulle, to obtain guarantees for the French Army and some segments of the European population which, in theory, had to choose whether to stay in Algeria and the proportion of part Muslims who fought with the French army to keep Algeria within the French national territory. Thus, the common provisions of Chapter II of independence and cooperation / A) OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ALGERIA / II - Rights and freedoms of persons and their safeguards provide that : "No person shall be subject to police action or court, disciplinary or any discrimination because of: Violations of this general amnesty led, first, on isolated incidents like the massacre in Oran (European Community) following the proclamation of independence on 5 July 1962 and, secondly, in the early retaliation and cons of settling scores Harkis and the latter between them. (Muslim community). But overall, no war criminal , belonging to one or other of the belligerents has been prosecuted after the war. In a mission report submitted to President Eisenhower Africa in early 1957, Richard Nixon issue of very serious criticism of the policy of France in Algeria, and supported the independence of Algeria. On July 2, 1957, Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy speaks at the upper house ( Senate ) of the United States of America on the theme of war in Algeria in which he emphasized that this terrible war has ceased to be a problem purely domestic French and the Americans are directly affected by the conflict which has "stripped to the bone continental forces of NATO. " Following this speech, Senator Kennedy urged his country to commit to the independence of Algeria. A draft resolution to that effect is sent to the administration of U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower , but will not succeed because of the procedures. Strategically, the Pentagon was concerned to see how the NATO increasingly diverted to support the logistics of the French army in Algeria at the expense of the balance of forces in Europe against the Eastern bloc. Since May 1958, the International Committee of the Red Cross GPRA seeks to adhere to Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions, possibility for non-international players from armed conflict to commit to a minimum bond humanitarian. The GPRA finally tabled June 20, 1960 its instrument of accession with the Swiss government, which is custodian of these agreements, cleverly exploiting the registration of his candidacy by Switzerland as an internationally recognized Algerian state. Switzerland must recall a note of 20 July that an agreement is not legally binding for States that have not recognized the GPRA, it involves no more than a commitment by the GPRA to respect the Geneva Conventions . However, succeeding the GPRA, the Algerian state is now deemed to have acceded to the Geneva Conventions June 20, 1960 . The war in Algeria offers an unexpected opportunity to Italy to resume his role in the Mediterranean on the bottom of ancient rivalry with France. While France is totally opposed to any attempt to internationalize the conflict, Italy varies, depending on geopolitical interests and domestic politics, between a manifest benevolence towards Algerian independence and solidarity of France. However, it is the Italian left who shows the most uncompromising against what it calls "French imperialism" in North Africa. Many Italian activists support the FLN networks in Europe. Since 1957 when he was head of the oil company ENI , the Italian industrialist Enrico Mattei tries to turn Italy into a rear base of the FLN in secretly providing funding and facilities before disappearing in a suspicious plane crash in October 1962. According to statistics of the 2nd Bureau (military intelligence), the number of fighters of the NLA - FLN in 1960 was about 28,000 in small groups of 10 or 12 men can sometimes be grouped into units 200 men. The weapons used by both French soldiers by the rebels were mainly made in Algerian French, German and American. This war was an opportunity for the French army to use large-scale helicopters as part of counter-insurgency weapons and so-called third dimension in one of the most intense military engagements in military history France. MAB = weapons factory in Bayonne MAC = Manufacture d'Armes de Chatellerault MAS = Manufacture d'Armes de Saint Etienne MP = Maschinenpistole (German submachine gun) MAT = Manufacture d'Armes de Tulle AA = Automatic Weapon BAR = Browning Automatic Rifle CAL 30 = .30 caliber (0.30 inch = 7.62 mm) MAB D (cal 7.65) , France PA 35 A (7.65 cal length) of SECAM , France PA 35 S - S M1 (7.65 Cal long) , France Luger P08 , Germany Walther P38 , Germany MAC 50 , France COLT 1911 A1 45 1911 , USA MAS 38 (7.65 cal length), France MP 40 , Germany MAT 49 , France THOMPSON , USA M3A1 Grease Gun , USA U.S. M1 Carbine, M1A1, M2 , USA MAS 36, MAS 36/51, 36 LG MAS 48, MAS 36 CR 39 , France MAS 49, MAS 49/56 , France M1 Garand , USA Browning BAR-FM 1918, 1918 A1, 1918 A2 , USA FM 24/29 , France AA52 , France (Manufacture d'Armes de St. Etienne) REIBEL MAC 31 A1, 31 A2, 31 C, 31 E , Manufacture d'Armes de Chatellerault Browning 30 CAL 1917 A1, 1919 A4, A6 1919 , USA Browning M2 HB 50 CAL (the famous 12.7) USA Secret War Events in support of the French army in Algeria (1957, 1958)
Events pacifists (1960-1962)
Network Jeanson (1960)
Assassination of Camille White, mayor of Evian (1961)
FLN attacks against the police (1958-1961)
Events in support of the FLN (1961)
Attacks OAS (1962)
Case of the subway station Charonne (February 1962)
Case Bastien-Thiry (August 1962)
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Human Review
The French losses
According to the History department of the Ministry of Defence, it is found: The loss of the Muslim population of Algeria
French Amnesties
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The war in Algeria at international level
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Military aspects of the war Algeria
Formations and Units: Nomenclature
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residual forces of the French army
FLN-ALN
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