Home  ›  Spanish War

Spanish War

This page is semi-long protection.
Spanish Civil War
The El Campesino Directing Republican soldiers at Villanueva de la Canada.jpg
Valentn Gonzlez soldiers leading Republicans of the 45th Division near Villanueva de la Caada , at the Battle of Brunete .
General Information
Date 18 July 1936 -
1 April 1939
Location Spain , Spanish Morocco , Western Sahara , Spanish Guinea , Canary Islands
Issue Nationalist victory
Belligerents
Flag of the Second Spanish Republic.svg Spanish Republic

Flag of the International Brigades.svg International Brigades
Flag of the Soviet Union 1923.svg Soviet Union

Flag of Spain Under Franco 1938 1945.svg Nationalist Camp

Merchant flag of Spanish Morocco.svg Spanish protectorate of Morocco

Flag of Italy (1861-1946). Svg Kingdom of Italy

Third Reich German Reich

Foreign volunteers

Flag of Spain Under Franco 1938 1945.svg
600 000 men
(1938)

Flag of Italy (1861-1946). Svg
75 000 men

Flag of Germany 1933.svg
17 000 men

French volunteers, Irish and Portuguese
11 700 - 15 700 volunteers
Notes
~ 500 000 deaths in total
Spanish War
Battles
Spanish War

Coup Barracks Montaa Somosierra Alczar de Toledo Gijn Oviedo Guipzcoa Sigenza Merida Badajoz Mallorca Tage Irn Monte Pelado Cordoba Talavera de la Reina Cape Espartel Madrid Route La Coruna Lopera Mlaga Jarama Campaign North Guadalajara Jan Durango Guernica Segovia Bilbao Brunete Santander Belchite El Mazuco Cape Cherchell Teruel Cape Palos Aragon Segre Bielsa Ebro Cabra Catalonia Menorca Cartagena

change Consult the documentation of the model

The Spanish Civil War (also often referred to as civil war or less frequently Spanish Spanish Revolution ), is a conflict between, in Spain , the camp of " nationalistic "than the" Republican "together, sometimes with considerable tension, communists, socialists, republicans and anarchists. It lasted from July 1936 to April 1939 and ended in defeat for the Republicans and the establishment of the dictatorship of Francisco Franco , who retained absolute power until his death in 1975.

This war was the consequence, in the long run, social unrest, economic, cultural and political that plagued Spain for many generations. After the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931 , increasing the exacerbation of tensions between Spaniards culminated in the uprising was harshly repressed the Asturias ( 1934 ) and the resurgence of civil unrest and violence reciprocal spring 1936, after the electoral victory of the Frente Popular. Prepared long before the uprising military and civilian camp Franco broke the 18 July 1936 , but its partial failure forced the two camps to wage a total war unexpectedly long and bloody.

The conflict also took shape in some areas under Republican control, a revolution which leads to social collectivization of land and factories, and experimented with different kinds of organization type socialist (supported particularly by anarchists of the CNT ).

Summary

/ / .
  • Anarchists intervene several times:
    • Sevilla strike in July 1931;
    • uplift of the mining district of Upper Llobregat (Catalonia) during which militants anarcho-syndicalists (including Buenaventura Durruti and Francisco Ascaso, who will be deported in the Sahara) proclaim libertarian communism;
    • January 1933 uprisings in the Levant, La Rioja and Andalusia, in the region, activists insurgents in Casas Viejas (province of Cadiz ) are under fierce repression of the Civil Guard.
  • Of the UGT union also face repression and Castilblanco Arnedo (January 1932).

During the year 1933, the PSOE terminates collaboration with the Republicans, leading to the collapse of the government Azaa; Alejandro Lerroux , a radical form a more centrist government.

Bienio the negro ("two black years" 1934 and 1935)

After the general elections of November-December 1933 , the CEDA ( Confederacin Espaola Derech Autnomas ), became the largest party in the Cortes by the number of elected members. With this relative majority, the leader of the CEDA, Jos Mara Gil Robles is expected to be called to form the new government, but President of the Republic, Niceto Alcal Zamora appealed again to Lerroux to lead a centrist coalition. The left refuses indeed that accesses the CEDA government.

On 8 December 1933 , the CNT triggers an insurrection in Zaragoza.

In spring 1934, worried about the entry predictable CEDA government, the leadership of the PSOE , provided by Francisco Largo Caballero , followed by the close union of the socialist party, the UGT, moving towards a revolutionary strategy of making power . If they still have elections, they work more in social struggles , especially with the anarchists. The historical context is important to understand this attitude: in 1933 Hitler came to power legally in Germany, yet the leader of the CEDA, Jose Maria Gil Robles , has multiplied the actions that give the impression that he wanted to establish a fascist dictatorship denounced by President Alcal Zamora Niceto and one abstention important, which although down from 1933 (90%), representing the remaining third . Right, it is believed that this left-wing coalition will make a revolution, left, considering that the right wanted to establish a dictatorship fascist. Some anarchists have called to vote for the Popular Front, one of the few exceptions to their principle of abstention in elections. In most cases, this attitude is not due to a membership vote or a "useful vote" but rather a tactical voting. Indeed, the Popular Front has promised to release all political prisoners, among whom are 15 000, anarchists and / or anarcho-syndicalists.

The Popular Front is trying to take over the government's action in 1931, but the climate is difficult. On the one hand, some of the people, often suffering severe poverty, implements its own initiative, social reforms promised by the parties of the Frente Popular, but slow in coming. On the other notables, industrial or wealthy peasants, who have little confidence in the republican regime or parliamentarism to maintain order, are radically anticommunist. Successive political crimes committed by the workers' militia (many massacres of priests) or by militias and nationalist reprisals linked together. The state no longer maintains order.

The group of generals responsible for the coup was formed from one thousand nine hundred and thirty-three - 1 934 , and the decision to take action is made in March 1936. The head is Sanjurjo , in exile in Portugal since his failed putsch of 1932, the organizer is Mola , seconded by Cabanillas , Fanjul , Goded and Queipo de Llano. Franco , being aware at the outset of the project, is reluctant to s' engage. It's murder by members of the security forces of a republican leaders and member of the monarchist Right, Jos Calvo Sotelo on 13 July 1936 , which decides to act. Not without difficulty, the military get the support of Carlist militias and the Falange.

The military plot

The day after the 1936 elections, which saw the victory of the Frente Popular , conspiracies are formed, especially with the general Sanjurjo, Mola, Goded, Fanjul, and, less markedly, Franco.

The government, aware of these conspiracies, only reaction is to move senior officials suspected far from the capital: Emilio Mola was posted in Pamplona , Franco to the Canary Islands. The first meeting of conspirators held on 8 March 1936 in Madrid , the insurgency is scheduled for 19 or 20 April, under the direction of Sanjurjo , in exile in Portugal since its failed attempt coup in 1932.

p> But Mola remain in strong position: mutated in a region that is probably the most anti-republican Spain, may conspire to leisure. On 5 June 1936 , he developed a first draft policy based on the disappearance of the republic and the unity of Spain. By June, the contacts forged between conspirators. The coup must be delayed because Mola has some difficulties to get the support of militias Carlist of Navarre , who demand a return to conservative monarchy.

The assassination of Calvo Sotelo on 13 July 1936 set fire to the powder. The military decided to launch the offensive to 17 (in Morocco) and July 18 (Peninsula), with no political objective other than the overthrow of power left the republican form of government is not challenged.

The epilogue announced preparations for a coup

The electoral defeat of the CEDA in the elections of February 1936 Gil Robles was discredited in favor of supporters of the coup. However, the first Popular Front governments (government and Casares Quiroga Azaa) are more moderate than those of the first biennium and do not include Socialist ministers.

The War Minister, Gen. Carlos Masquelet leaves his colleagues Villegas Saliquet, Losada, Gonzalez Carrasco, Fanjul , Orgaz and Varela unaffected and moves Goded , Franco and Mola to positions lower.

The reaction is not expected. March 8, the generals apart meet at Madrid's home Delgado Barreto, a former employee of Primo de Rivera. Knowing supported by a strong civil basis, they decided the day of the uprising on April 20 and separated after leaving the preparation in the hands of a junta headed by Rodriguez del Barrio. However, the government discovered the conspiracy and Rodriguez del Barrio, seriously ill, is reversing.

Faced with the ineffectiveness of this junta, Mola supports the preparation of the coup, but it is only a brigadier general, he relies on the authority of the head of the conspiracy, Lieutenant General Sanjurjo, then exiled Portugal.

Mola, under the pseudonym Director, expanding its network to the garrisons, with the help of the Spanish Military Union (EMU), a military society. As its leaders are commanders or captains that they can not join the generals but by cons, many members of staff.

Finally, the plot manages to win not only military malcontents and enemies of the regime, but also a pair of Republican generals: Gonzalo Queipo de Llano , angry because his friend Niceto Alcala Zamora had just been ousted from the presidency of the Republic and Cabanellas Miguel , with whom he had evolved into the Lerroux (policy of Alejandro Lerroux ) rallied to oppose the new regime.

However, Mola fails to convince Franco. Four years ago, during the summer of 1932, during the trial of Sanjurjo for military rebellion and then he faced the death penalty, Franco had refused to defend him with a cruel sentence: "General, you've earned the right dying, not be raised for you, but because you have failed. " Since then, Sanjurjo hated him. Therefore Franco refused to take part in this conspiracy.

However, all the conspirators hoped to persuade him to join them. Angel Herrera Oria persuaded Juan March , a Spanish financial, deposit 500,000 pesetas in his name in a French bank, an amount similar to that for Mola. It also funds the hiring of a British aircraft (Dragon Rapide) controlled by a mercenary, Captain Bebb, that Luis Bolin , correspondent for ABC in London, is sent to the Canary Islands by order of the publisher of the newspaper ABC, Juan Ignacio Luca de Tena. In the event of Franco's rally in the conspiracy, the device was used to transport it to Morocco to replace General Agustn Gmez Morato , considered loyal to the Republic.

The coup failed and the stalemate

The Francoist uprising of July 1936 came after several months of strikes, expropriation, battles between peasants and civil guards. Francisco Largo Caballero , head of the left wing of the Socialist Party, was asked in June to arm the workers; but Manuel Azaa had rejected this proposal.

The coup, or pronunciamento , starts July 17 in Morocco , where Spanish Franco assumed command of the troops, after arriving by plane from the Canary Islands through French Morocco, bringing his wife and daughter in a safe place in Casablanca. The coup affects the whole of the metropolis the next day.

When the insurrection broke out, the Republican government is paralyzed. Its first releases, after 24 hours, are reassuring, acknowledging only that part of the army was raised in Morocco. In Seville, the unarmed workers tried in vain to oppose the uprising led by Queipo de Llano , the government refuses to give weapons to workers who claim, threatening to shoot those who provide them.

The Republican government attempts a reconciliation with the military. President Manuel Azana proposes the establishment of a government compromise instead of the Frente Popular: the July 18 , he appointed Diego Martinez Barrio head of government, but must quickly acknowledge the failure of his efforts. Neither side with nationalist Mola , nor the Republican side with the Socialist Francisco Largo Caballero , we do not want to compromise. The outcome of war is inevitable, and the day after his nomination, Barrio Martinez resigns, replaced by Jos Giral.

On July 17th , at Barcelona , activists of the CNT are beginning to bear arms in the arsenals and shipyards. Their determination tipped on their side the Civil Guard and Assault Guard, forcing the soldiers to surrender in this city which is the second in the country. When the government decides to give weapons to the population, it is, in fact, already armed.

In Madrid, guns are finally distributed, again, the workers, but devoid of heads. The population however is launching an assault on July 20 , against the barracks of Montana, and seized it.

If some areas falling fast ( Navarre , Castile and Len , Galicia , Andalusia Western cities of Aragon ), the rest of the country remains faithful to the Republic. Madrid , Valencia and Barcelona , despite the lifting of the local garrison, remain in the hands of the Republicans, thanks to workers' militias quickly mobilized. After one week, the country is divided into two roughly equal areas: on one hand the nationalists, the other Republicans who hold the richest regions and most industries.

Revolution

In attempting this coup, the military has in fact started the revolution in the country. Seeing the armed workers, many bosses flee or join the camp of the nationalists. In response, the working population takes companies, 70% of them in Catalonia, 50% in the Valencia region, and establishes control over others. Farmers collectivise three quarters of the land. The Church has chosen, except in the Basque Country, the side of Franco, its assets become property of the people, convents become mess for the militias, schools, ballrooms, etc..

The legal authorities have lost all power, no longer have any police force, army and justice. Instead, the left is setting up a new power bodies, organizes militias to fight the nationalists reorganized transport, urban supply, processing plants for war needs.

However, political parties and labor organizations, such as PCE , the PSOE , the UGT , the CNT and the POUM leave the government in early September, Jose Giral gave way to Francisco Largo Caballero giving two ministries to the Communists; in November, the anarchists are coming into the government, gradually, it restores an army that will oppose the militias and remove the committees set up by labor organizations. In November 1936 , all ministers (including anarchists) signed a decree on the dissolution of militias and their incorporation in the forces of the regular army. Those who refuse to go into the government army are no longer receiving weapons, thus facilitating the victory of the nationalists on several fronts, the revolutionary courts are replaced by the courts of the previous regime. Thus, if the energy of the revolutionary left in the first days of the uprising were held in check the military revolution is gradually disarmed, with no labor party actually opposes.

The state of the army on the eve of battle

In principle, the law of 1912 established the conscription and military service attached to three years in 1924, is set at two years and one year in 1930. But the cases are numerous exemptions and it is very unequal (eg, one can quite legally avoid the payment of a cuota). In addition, the budget does not allow instruction or training, conscripts are also frequently sent on leave of long duration.

Thus, in France, in each division of infantry, three regiments of four are dormant and the fourth is not aligned with its rights plan.

According to S. Balfour, in July 1936, there would be less than 16 000 conscripts in the armed forces present and about half remain faithful to the Republic. However, during the conflict, nearly three million men who are mobilized, sometimes in the opposite camp to their ideals.

The balance of power

The opposing forces are balanced at the beginning of the conflict. It seems that in early 1937, each camp has about 500 000 men. The Spanish army before the war, rather poorly, with an over-age equipment and tactics of another era.

The delivery of German and Italian weapons allows a significant improvement in the arming of the Nationalist army. The Italian aircraft proved decisive in the early days of the conflict, allowing Franco's troops to cross the Gibraltar Strait. Foreign firms such as Ford and Texaco will also provide, on credit, and fuel trucks in large quantities. Moreover, the nationalists have the best troops: the Moors and "Tercios" of the band (Spanish Foreign Legion). Stationed in Spanish Morocco, they are commanded by officers who have experience of colonial wars.

Republicans meanwhile are gradually equipped with Soviet weapons, but the supply is problematic because of the naval blockade of the European powers, more relaxed side of nationalism. Moscow will also send military advisers, primarily used to operate the planes and tanks, and political commissars of the Comintern , mainly for repression in communist dissident forces such as Trotskyists and activists POUM.

The major problems for the Republicans, facing the side of the organization. Indeed, it is a popular army created from scratch, and not obeying the government because it was based on the idea of a popular defense ensured by every citizen, without centralized command. Given the failure of this organization, the government tried to create a popular army in the form of a national (in the spring of 1937), with a discipline and a common command. These doubts reflect the opposition between Communists, supporters of an organized army, and anarchists, supporters of a popular defense.

In general, the Republican army suffers from a lack of officers who have for many chose to join the nationalist camp. Most Navy ships have remained in the hands of the Republic, but the sailors, but their officers are not able to make good use.

Transactions

On the military side, the Spanish Civil War has the following characteristics. It is first a war that, except in its final phase, takes place on several fronts at once. The war has on these various fronts successive phases of movement and long periods of war position with use of trenches. Republicans, for tactical or duty, often on the defensive, resisting also often good. Their attacks are almost always small-scale, poorly designed, quickly stopped even countries, and often result in losses (human and material) important. This situation contributes to gradually weaken the Republican camp.

When the war itself began in late July 1936, but everything seems blocked foreign aid from Germany and Italy, future powers of the Axis , allows troops from Morocco (the most competent and well trained) led by Franco to pass the Strait of Gibraltar on 5 August and join the rest of the army and 15,000 Requetes Carlist led by Mola. A total of 62,000 troops from Morocco served in the Nationalist forces of which 37 000 are engaged in spring 1937. Moroccan troops advancing northwards, attacking towns and villages badly met. Simultaneously, in the north, the fighting between the Republicans to requests Carlist, particularly in the Basque Country and near the French border. In areas controlled by the Republic, movements of cons-offensive was launched. Three columns were formed to try to regain ground on national territories, the most famous is probably " Durruti Column , named after its commander, Buenaventura Durruti. Moreover, the Republicans regained Minorca but failed to take control of the rest of Balearic.

In October, Franco is making a strategic choice: the gates of the capital, he prefers to divert his troops south to Toledo to go rescue the besieged insurgents in the Alcazar. This allows time to organize the defense of Madrid. When the Nationalists reach Madrid in November 1936 , the defense is fierce: every street is prohibited (with the famous slogan of The Pasionaria , "No pasarn!" ). Around the capital, several operations take place in February and March 1937, in particular the Battle of Jarama and the Battle of Guadalajara. Despite heavy losses, the city is good and in March 1937 , the Nationalists have to go to the obvious: the capture of Madrid has failed.

They therefore decided to deal first with pockets of resistance that are the Republican Basque Country and Asturias. An initial campaign is going around Bilbao , the Republicans have surrounded an " iron belt "that did little to slow the nationalists, who manage to capture the city on June 19 and control the rest of the province within days. In August, fighting in the region are Santander , which falls on August 26. The Asturias then remain only in northern Spain to remain under control of the Republic. This small but long area resistant to capitulate on October 17, leaving the nationalist forces to fully master the Atlantic coast.

Meanwhile, Republicans launched offensives in other difficult, especially at Brunete and Belchite , but deadly fighting not allow them only limited growth. In the last days of 1937, the Republican troops engage the battle for Teruel they manage to take in fighting that took place under very tough for both sides, particularly because of cold weather that prevails in Teruel that winter. This operation is however thwarted and the town is taken over by the Nationalists after less than a month. After the resumption of Teruel, the Nationalist army continued its offensive and managed to reach shore, April 6, thus cutting in half the territory controlled by the Republicans. They still try to attack during the Battle of the Ebro (from 25 July 1938 ) but it's another failure: the Republicans are forced to recross the river Ebro at the cost of losses.

Therefore, the fate of the conflict is sealed: Catalonia is conquered without much resistance in February 1939. Madrid fell with little fighting. The rest of Spain is removed in the month, the latest fighting that took place in Alicante. On April 1, 1939 , Franco may announce that "war is over."

Violence and executions

The Spanish war was particularly violent, especially during major battles ( Teruel , but especially the Battle of Ebro ). But the war was also marked by killings outside combat itself. There were executions, sometimes sketchy, sometimes organized and even preceded hasty judgments.

During this "revolution" of the atrocities committed on both others. Bartolom Bennassar explains:

"There was good face to face, two wills of extermination, a more organized, it's true, the other more instinctive, one and one exacerbated. .
Image of a coin of 25 cents dating from 1937 hit by the Nationalists.

One of the biggest mass murder takes place on 14 and 15 August 1936 at Badajoz , in Extremadura , where many disarmed militias are summarily shot, when the nationalists, mostly units of the Legion, took the city. This massacre was revealed for the first time by two French journalists and a Portuguese journalist. The balance is then evaluated at 2 000 victims, but it is, according to Hugh Thomas , closer to 200 .

In the Basque Country, repression hits including the Catholic clergy who had maintained the Church's presence in Republican territory, while the hierarchy had chosen the nationalist camp. October 27, 1936, 16 priests were shot, others imprisoned or expelled from the region .

The end of the war has not meant much for the return to peace. The executions will continue in subsequent years, demonstrating the thirst for vengeance of the victors characterizing the dictatorship for many years and the misery and terror to the vanquished . The letters of termination are so numerous that the limitation of political crimes not reported is reduced from fifteen to two years from January 1940 .

In Republican zone

The massacres of opponents begin early in the rebellion. Social class or political just mostly in the indictment to justify an execution . This was the case for example for the officers of the garrison of Lleida, the officers of the naval base at Minorca and those of Cartagena. This was also the case for right-wing deputies chased Republican zone which 24 are executed.

Priests and nuns are among the other main victims of these massacres, particularly in Catalonia. According to studies on the fury that gripped Spain in 1936 , more than 7,000 clergy, including 13 bishops, 4,184 priests, 2,365 monks and 283 nuns were murdered during this period . 88% of clergy in the diocese alone Barbastro ( Aragon ), whose bishop , Monsignor Asensio Barroso, emasculated living before being murdered on 9 August 1936. Nine dioceses and lost more than half of their clergy, the mere fact of belonging to the latter being amenable to a summary execution. Those who were able to escape were in nationalist areas, or were unable to flee, hide or take advantage of protections. To these were added the killings burning of churches and convents , the desecration of altars and graves . In September 1936, ahead of Spanish refugees, Pope Pius XI condemned what it referred to as a "satanic professed hatred of God by the Republicans."

As of August 23 , people's courts give a formal legal executions. Sewage commissions are set up to identify suspects from their socio-political history. In Asturias , for example, they draw up lists of supporters of right-wing parties whose "lucky" are victims of expropriation .

During the summer of 1936 , in addition to 7 000 to 8 000 religious, nearly 2,000 were massacred in Falangists Republican area outside of combat, without the government does not condemn a moment these crimes committed by its own union supporters of militias (the "Dawn Patrol") and without it being in retaliation for shooting the opposing camp. Acts of great violence hit particularly religious or girls Catholic organizations fell into the hands of Republicans. The immediate consequence will be the rallying of many centrist Catholics in the military rebels.

Image of a coin of 5 cents from 1937 hit by the Republicans.

In Madrid , between 1936 and 1939 , according to Csar Vidal, nearly 15 000 people were shot . Mass summary executions take place from including 22 August 1936 and cost the lives of several former ministers of the Republic as Jos Martnez de Velasco , Manuel Rico , Ramn lvarez and to Melquades Alvarez , head of the Liberal Republican Fernando Primo de Rivera, brother of the founder of the Falange .

Political prisoners of Jan transferred to Madrid are executed path. In Malaga , on 30 September , 130 people were shot , .

From 2 to 6 November 1936 , five thousand people were shot to Paracuellos and Torrejn de Ardoz , and buried in mass graves. The victims were both inmates evacuated from the city of Madrid, students from a Catholic college and members of wealthy families in the city . Officials are, according to some historians, Margarita Nelken , a Socialist MP and Santiago Carrillo , who continues to deny the role assigned in these massacres.

From March 1937, the victims of the massacres of more Republicans will involve the Republican camp itself . Indeed, tensions within the Republican Spain will lead to internal fighting bloody (side anarchists and communists heterodox, the other the PSUC - party subservient to Stalin's USSR), which led to the downfall of Barcelona. The main confrontation in the Republican camp is held in May 1937 and led to the crash by the arms of revolutionary current. These internal conflicts have seen the libertarian supporters and those of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) massacred by advocacy groups supported by the Soviet NKVD in large part explain the degradation of the Republican base, unable to regain lost ground to the nationalists.

The attitude of foreign countries and interventions

Non-intervention of France and the United Kingdom

In France, Lon Blum , heart goes out to the Republicans received a request for assistance on 20 July 1936 in which he responds positively, but it should reverse the face of opposition from the right, radicals ( Edouard Herriot ), the Moderate President Albert Lebrun and the United Kingdom. Finally, the choice is made to apply a policy of " nonintervention "single concept for linking the British settlement.

British side, the government of Neville Chamberlain and British elites see Spain as a country in revolution "communist" (the English refuse to fight for "Spanish Communists"). Moreover, everything is done to avoid a conflict with the totalitarian powers: they think that by being conciliatory with Germany, it can happen to agree with Hitler's expansionist ambitions.

It is within this context that Blum offers the non-intervention pact, signed by almost all European countries. A committee was formed in London to define the terms. Each country is responsible for preventing the delivery of arms in Spain: British must ensure compliance with an arms embargo in the Atlantic, the Pyrenees in France, and Italy on the Mediterranean coast.

France and the United Kingdom (sending weapons illegalized July 31 ), however, send arms to the Republicans but secretly.

Italian participation

Italian aid in the nationalist camp, limited to the beginning of the conflict, becomes massive at the end of 1936. It is materialized by strong shipments of material (almost 700 planes and 950 tanks) but mostly by sending many soldiers. The body of Italian volunteers (CTV) reaches up to 50,000 men. Unlike the German troops, the Italians are well integrated into the fighting after their defeat at the Battle of Guadalajara.

Mussolini seems to send more troops in order to strengthen its influence by ideological affinity with Franco. Although fascism shared his inspiration with the Socialist Spanish nationalism, Franco was a devout Catholic and a conservative military career, so everything the opposite of a fascist atheist and revolutionary. Mussolini for the war in Spain is the opportunity to conduct a propaganda of international significance. Mussolini also has economic interests (of weapons are sold to the Italian nationalists) and strategic (utopia of a stranglehold on the Mediterranean, eg through the annexation of the Balearic Islands in Spain .


Review of the Civil War

Shelter against bombing air in the city of Valencia.

Particularly violent and sustained traumatic war in Spain is notorious as the scene of multiple crimes. She lives in particular the first military strikes on civilians , perpetrated by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy , allies of Franco , the elimination of the POUM and its leaders anti-Stalinist by the NKVD and anarchists by the Spanish Communist Party, of massacres of suspected spontaneous, men of Church or members of the middle classes and ruling by anarchists and communists in the months that followed the military sedition, while the new nationalist state was being built through the terror and cleaning routine. In particular, Franco's opponents refused all proposals of compromise and continued after their victory, a continued repression and of great magnitude. .

This civil war was also the scene of the beginnings of the Second World War , the future European belligerents begin to confront it more or less directly: the Germany of Hitler and the Italy of Mussolini lent their support for Franco, while the Soviet Union of Stalin sold arms to the Republicans (while trying to power in the Republic). The France and the United Kingdom chose the non-intervention and blockade of arms exports, but left the International Brigades engage with republicans.

The Spanish war and passionately divided public opinion throughout the world. The commitment of many intellectuals and artists from combatants, particularly in the International Brigades , helped him to quickly acquire a legendary dimension still existing.

Victims

The number of casualties is difficult to quantify. The sources may lack, or they have not been established, they are disappeared. When they exist, they are often manipulated or accused of being, and therefore are still sometimes subject to controversy. In both camps, there was talk of a million dead (an enormous figure for a country of 26 million inhabitants), but this figure is widely regarded as exaggerated. Currently, the most serious estimates vary between 380,000 and 451,000 deaths are estimates:

  • 100 000 to 285 000 soldiers died in combat (direct military casualties)
  • 10 000 to 150 000 civilians dead in bombing
  • 40 000 200 000 executions in nationalist area
  • 20 000 to 86 000 executions in the republican zone
  • 30 000 200 000 executions by the Franco government between 1939 and 1943

The only battle of the Ebro would have made nearly 60,000 victims.

Added to these figures the excess mortality due to famine or epidemics, but the number of casualties (estimated at 330 000 ) is difficult to establish.

Refugees and Exiles

The war has resulted in significant population movements, often decided in haste without specific project for IDPs. While some of these trips are made within Spain, the war has mainly led the Spaniards to leave their country, often temporary, sometimes permanently.

The first month or the first days of the war saw the beginning of the exodus: from the Basque country , Republicans are leaving the country for France and in Catalonia , they are people distrustful and even hostile toward Republicans who go through ship to Marseilles or to the Algeria.

Subsequently, many people, mostly Republican, have left Spain. The destinations were varied, but it was France that was the most chosen, the three other major countries of exile or refuge being the United Kingdom , the Mexico and the USSR.

In France itself, are the departments of South-West, close to Spain, which hosted the most refugees, with a strong Spanish immigration to the cities of Bordeaux and Toulouse , where the Spaniards were already residing. Other departments of the Atlantic coast ( Lower Loire particular) have also been affected, and the Massif Central , the Bouches-du-Rhone and the Paris region.

The reception of immigrants was very different from one place to another: sometimes they were well received and were even the subject of actions of solidarity, they were sometimes viewed with suspicion and even hostility in a France in crisis marked by some forms of xenophobia. This emigration to France has experienced a significant acceleration of movement during the Battle of the Ebro and in the months following, in a movement called the retirada (retired). In March 1939, the number of Spanish refugees in France was estimated at 440,000 people (according to information Valire the French Government, March 9, 1939). Faced with such an influx, the French authorities have found themselves overwhelmed, and some of these refugees are found grouped together in " concentration camps ", as the term used officially at the time.

This episode had a strong impact in the minds of the Spanish Republicans, leaving the memory of a very open country to the Republicans anti-fascists.

The departure from Spain of all these people was not always definitive. Some even during the war, have come and gone by France to leave the Basque country, occupied by the Nationalists, and return by Catalonia, still held by Republicans. However, most of those who have left the country does not return before the end of the civil war. Some refugees have returned to Franco's Spain, especially when the regime softened, others have waited for the democratic transition. In fact, for many Spanish republicans, installation abroad has become final, but these families have the memory of the civil war.

In one thousand nine hundred thirty-nine - 1,940 , many Republicans seek to engage in foreign battalions of the French army, despite the distrust of French officers to these "Reds". Subsequently, many are joining the French Resistance, the Maquis (known in Spanish Maquis 60 000 Southwest in 1944) and the Free French Forces. During the liberation of Paris , the first detachment of the army Leclerc to enter Paris is a Spanish section.

Among the figures for emigration Republican Jorge Semprun.

Chronology

1936

General map of the Spanish Civil War. In Pink: Republican zone. Beige: nationalist area.
Situation in August / September 1936

1937

Situation in October 1937

1938

Situation in November 1938

1939

Military situation in February 1939. In beige: nationalist area. Pink: Republican zone.

Quotations

  • "You will conquer, but you will not convince. You will overcome because you have an overabundance of brute force, you will not persuade because convince means to persuade. And to persuade you would have what you lack: reason and right in your fight. It seems useless to urge you to think of Spain. I said. " Miguel de Unamuno in Speech at the University of Salamanca, 12 October 1936
  • "The Spanish Tragedy is a mass grave. Any errors that Europe was dying and she's trying to disgorge in appalling convulsions come to rot together ... Such a cesspool, an image of what will be tomorrow the world. " Georges Bernanos , The Great Cemeteries in the moonlight, 1938, p. 151, quoted in Jean Guhenno , Journal of the dark years, April 28, 1942, Gallimard, 1947.
  • "The falsification of history is to assign responsibility for the defeat of the Spanish working classes, not to parties that have paralyzed or simply crushed the revolutionary movement of masses. Lawyers for the POUM simply deny the fact that leaders bear any liability whatsoever, to avoid having to assume their own responsibility. This philosophy of helplessness, which seeks to accept defeat as necessary links in the chain of cosmic developments, is completely incapable of standing, and refuses to ask the question of the role of factors such as concrete programs, parties, personalities who were the organizers of defeat. This philosophy of fatalism and prostration is diametrically opposed to Marxism, theory of revolutionary action. " Leon Trotsky in The Spanish Revolution (1930-1940), papers presented by Peter Brou , Minuit, 1975.
  • "I described our arms, or rather our lack of weapons, on the Aragon front. There is little doubt that the Communists deliberately kept him weapons of fear than it might go too hands of anarchists who later would use it to achieve a revolutionary goal, and consequently the great offensive of Aragon, who had Franco forced to withdraw from Bilbao and Madrid perhaps, was never triggered. " George Orwell , Homage to Catalonia.
  • "Nobody is better placed than me to know what were your concerns during the war and that the Spanish Republicans owe you. I have never ceased in private to set things straight when the malice or ignorance were trying to disfigure the truth, I wonder if one day I will not do it in public, in my lifetime, because one day my memoirs to publish after a final journey. "Letter from Juan Negrin to Blum , February 1948, cited in Blum, chief of government, p. 372

Notes and references

  1. http://www.flw.ugent.be/btng-rbhc/pdf/BTNG-RBHC,% 2018,% 201987,% 201-2,%% 20039-080.pdf 20pp
  2. Hugh Thomas, the Spanish Civil War, p.754
  3. Hugh Thomas, the Spanish Civil War, p.755
  4. Hugh Thomas, the Spanish Civil War, p.752
  5. Hugh Thomas, the Spanish Civil War, p.751
  6. By metonymy with the social revolution of the extreme left, which took shape during this period of collectivization and experiences of social organization, hitherto unpublished in Spain, the Spanish revolution of expression has been used by some historians extreme-left as Gaston Leval in Spain libertarian, 36-39: the constructive work of the Spanish Revolution or Peter Brou in The Spanish Revolution (1936-1939): Study Day May 18, 1969.
  7. Gaston Leval, Spain libertarian - 36-39 (see bibliography below).
  8. Cf Pierre Brou, The Spanish Revolution, pages 32-33
  9. Fernando Garca de Cortzar, Atlas de historia de Espaa, Editorial Planeta, 2005, pag. 477. "Desde la primavera 1934, ahead of atenta al derecha, la Directiva del PSOE manifesto tomar el poder a resuelta por la fuerza, la legalidad Rompiendo Republicana, ya practicar una poltica abiertamente Revolucionaria. El nico lugar donde los trabajadores Estaban preparados para esa lucha era Asturias, y alli hacia todas las miradas is dirigieron estall cuando la revolucin de octubre, por el general Franco aplastada, las operaciones militares that dirigi desde Madrid. "
  10. To clarify: is this withdrawal agreements?
  11. The term "other third" needs clarification
  12. in retaliation for the murder of an officer of the Guards Socialist assault, Lieutenant Jose Del Castillo
  13. Bennassar, P. 110.
  14. Emilio Silva and Santiago Macas, pits the Franco regime, Calmann-Lvy , Paris, 2005 ( ISBN 2702136273 ).
  15. Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War. Thomas is based on the investigation he has conducted himself in 1959.
  16. Die in Madrid, transcription Film Rossif Frederick , library Territories of Memory, Liege
  17. Emilio Silva and Santiago Macas, pits the Franco regime, Paris, Calmann-Lvy , 2005. ( ISBN 2702136273 )
  18. Angel Palomino, Biographies cross Grancher, 2005, p. 264.
  19. Bennassar Bartolome, "Franco", Perrin, 1995, p 121.
  20. Cf Antonio Montero, Historia de la persecucin religiosa en Espaa (1936-1939)
  21. Stanley Payne and Javier Tusell, La Guerra Civil. Una nueva vision del conflicto that dividio Espana, Madrid, 1996 592-596.
  22. "The pope and his mournful procession" , Le Monde , 10 October 2007.
  23. Bennassar Bartolome Franco, Perrin, 1995, p 121-122.
  24. According to historian Guy Hermet
  25. Cesar Vidal, ibid.
  26. Bennassar Bartolome Franco, Perrin, 1995 120.
  27. Bennassar Bartolome Franco, Perrin, 1995 120
  28. Robert Brasillach , like other writers or journalists reporting on the Nationalist side in Spain, published several accounts of atrocities committed in the Republican camp, showing by example the extermination of whole families, father, mother and children, and public display of their corpses.
  29. Cesar Vidal, "Paracuellos the Katyn Spanish," The NRH , July-August 2006.
  30. Hermet Guy, The Spanish Tragedy in "collections of history", April-June 2006.
  31. Sending Weapons
  32. Andr Kaspi , Franklin Roosevelt, Paris, Fayard, 1988, ( ISBN 2213022038 ), p.376
  33. Antony Beevor , The Spanish Civil War, The Pocket Book edition, 2008, page 261
  34. Bennassar Bartolome , The Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, Perrin, 2004, part. Part 3, ch. 5: "An outrageous repression of its scope and duration"
  35. Figures given by Guy Hermet (The Spanish Civil War), which itself refers to Gabriel Jackson and Hugh Thomas.
  36. David Martin Rubio, Ibid

Bibliography

Bibliographical index

  • Juan Garca-Durn, La Guerra Civil espaola: fuentes, archivos, y Bibliografa filmografa, Crtica, Barcelona, 1985. ( ISBN 84-7423-266-X ).

Evidence and sources

  • a href = "Victor_Alba" class = "new" title = "Victor Alba (non-existent page)"> Victor Alba, History of the POUM , Editions Champ Libre , 1975.
  • Miguel Amoros , Durruti in the maze, Editions of the Encyclopedia of Nuisances , 2007.
  • Objection to the libertarians of the present and the future of the capitulations of 1937 by an "uncontrolled" of the Iron Column , translated from Spanish by Guy Debord and Alice Becker-Ho , bilingual edition, Champ Libre, 1979. [ read Online ]
  • Georges Bernanos , The Great Cemeteries under the Moon , 1938.
  • Bolloten Burnett , The Spanish Revolution. The Left and the struggle for power (in English The Grand Camouflage, 1961). Editions Ruedo Iberico , Paris, 1977.
    A book that caused a sensation when it appeared in 1961. Crucial to understanding the conflicts that tore the Republican camp
  • Franz Borkenau , Spanish Cockpit. Report on social and political conflicts in Spain (1936-1937), 1937. Editions Champ Libre, 1979. ( ISBN 2-85184-108-4 ).
  • Gerald Brenan , The Spanish Labyrinth. Social and political origins of the Civil War, published by Champ Libre , 1984.
  • Robert Brasillach (in collaboration with Maurice Bardeche ), History of the Spanish Civil War, Plon, 1939. It was after the beginning of the conflict (which had witnessed Brasillach) they openly vindicated fascism .
  • Juan Brea and Mary Low , notebooks of the War of Spain (Spanish Red Notebook), London, 1937. Ed. French, Portraits, 1997. ( ISBN 2-84335-071-9 ). A testimony of two surrealist artists involved in the POUM.
  • Henry Chaz , Chronicle of the Spanish Revolution, Communist Union (1933-1939), Editions Spartacus , Paris, 1979.
  • Marcelino Ferrer (in collaboration with Michel Valire, ethnologist and Sylvie Coindeau ), Camino route of a Spanish Republican refugee policy, Limoges CIPA, 1994. ARPE dissemination. This testimony is that of a worker moved from Barcelona to the French border and (ac) harvested in 1939 and like all rojos confinement in a camp at Argels etc. ...
  • (As) Ronald Fraser , Blood of Spain, trans. Spanish Recuerdalo you a otros y recuerdalo, 1979.
    A masterpiece of oral history consisting of testimony from veterans, activists or unknown victims of civil war
  • Gimenez Anthony & The Gimnologues, The Sons of the Night - Memories of the Spanish Civil War, published by The Insomniac & The Gimnologues 2006. [ read online ]
  • HE Kaminski , Those of Barcelona, 1937. Editions Allia, 1986. Kaminski was in Barcelona, alongside anarchists during the critical months of the Spanish Revolution.
  • Arthur Koestler , The Spanish Testament, 1938. Narrative of the capture of Malaga and Seville to his imprisonment.
  • Katia Landau , Stalinism in Spain, Editions Spartacus , 1938.
  • Joaquin Maurin , Revolution and cons-revolution in Spain, Editions Rieder, 1937.
  • Pablo Neruda , "I confess that I lived" in Spain at heart, Denol, 1978 ( ISBN 2-07-037822-5 ).
  • George Orwell , Homage to Catalonia , 1938. Editions Champ Libre , 1982. Narrative its participation in the Spanish Civil War in the ranks of the POUM.
  • Leo Palacio , 1936: The Dandy in Spanish or the Spanish war as a rehearsal for the Second World War, preface by Andre Fontaine , Editions Privat, 1986
  • Abel Paz , Barcelona 1936, ( ISBN 2-903383-66-9 ). Autobiographical story of an anarchist in Barcelona and Catalan communities, and critical perspectives on collaboration and the Spanish anarchist movement at the time.
  • Abel Paz , passionate chronicle of the Iron Column , Paris, Nautilus, 2002.
  • Nestor Romero , Los Incontrolados, chronic Columna de hierro, Acratie editions, 1997, ( ISBN 978-2-909899-08-4 ). The story of the famous Iron Column , minutely traced through interviews of some Survivors and many papers published at the time.
  • Antoine de Saint-Exupery , "Writings of circumstances: Spain bloody" in the Uncompromising, August 1936 and "Madrid" Evening in Paris, July 1937.
  • Without Joan Sicart Commissioner shock - The commitment of a young anarchist in the Spanish Civil War, published by libertarian Design Workshop 2007.
  • Simone Weil , "Journal of Spain" and "Non-intervention widespread" in Historical and Political Writings, Coll. Hope, Paris, Gallimard, 1960.

General Studies

Studies on specific aspects

Written works of fiction

Fiction film

Documentaries

  • Another future (video 2 volumes): "Spain red and black" and "Bridge Over Troubled Waters" by Richard Prost, films of the village.
  • Caudillo 1975-1977. Documentary Film Basilio Martn Patino.
  • Diego (video): documentary / interview of a militant anarchist ( Abel Paz ) who experienced the revolutionary uprising Spanish
  • Franco and the Spanish Civil War, Production SAGRADA TV, ARTE, Spain 2005.
  • I keep track (the Battle of the Ebro) in November 2004. Neus Viala documentary film, in French and Catalan version DVCAM. Available in DVD and VHS. Production and dissemination: Communication and Cultures ( [1] )
  • Journal de Rivesaltes 1941-1942 by Jacqueline Veuve, 1997.
  • No Pasaran, Souvenir Album 2003. Documentary Film Henri-Franois Imbert.
  • Spanien! (Espagne!) 1973. Documentary film by Peter Nestler.
  • Unvershnliche Erinnerungen 1979. Documentary film by Klaus Volkenborn, Johann Feindt and Karl Siebig.
  • Victory Life, 1937. Documentary film Henri Cartier-Bresson. Produced by the Central Health International. 112 mn. Black and white. Films on medical assistance at the service of Spain Republican assailed by the troops of General Franco. (Mk2 Editions, 2006)
  • Live Spain 1938. Documentary film by Henri Cartier-Bresson. Produced by the Secours Populaire of France and Colonies. 43 min. Black and White. Author's second documentary on the Spanish Civil War. (Mk2 Editions, 2006)
  • de Frdric Rossif , produit par Nicole Stphane , 1963.
  • A July 14, 1939 Irene Tenze produced by its author with Les Films d'Ici (1983-1985)
  • The Wall Forgotten Joseph Gordillo (2008) [2]
  • Switzerland and the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 solidarity directed by Daniel Kunz (2002)
  • Lost Tombs of the International Brigades, TV documentary by the Canadian military historian Norm Christie Breakthrought Movies & The History Channel, 2007.

Songs

Photographs

Artwork

See also

External Links

History of Spain
Prehistory and Antiquity Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula Celtiberians Roman conquest of the Iberian Peninsula Hispania
Medieval Spains Visigoth kingdom United Suevian Muslim Conquest al-Andalus Kingdom of Asturias Reconquista
Spanish Empire House of Habsburg Spanish Succession (1680-1701) Succession War Spanish Succession (1701-1883) Bourbon Spain Enlightenment Revolutionary War Restoration absolutist Reign of Isabella II
Modern History Revolution of 1868 Sexenio Democrtico First Republic Bourbon Restoration Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera Second Republic of Spain War Franco regime Democratic Transition Spanish economic miracle
See also: Kings of Spain Presidents of the Spanish Government


Leave a Reply


Frequently Asked Questions

1 vote, average: 4.00 out of 51 vote, average: 4.00 out of 51 vote, average: 4.00 out of 51 vote, average: 4.00 out of 51 vote, average: 4.00 out of 5 (1 votes, average: 4.00 out of 5, rated)
Loading ... Loading ...
Help us improve the wiki Send Your Comments