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Breton Nationalism

Breton Nationalism characterized a number of movements which claim broad autonomy , if not the independence of Britain , or more basically the simple recognition of the Breton culture.

Summary

/ / History of the "Breton movement"

Traditionally, we divide the history of the Breton movement into three periods.

Prehistory of belonging

Catherine Bertho as stressed in his article "The Invention of Britain: Genesis of a social stereotype," published in 1980 until the French Revolution "there was no coherent discourse and organized the province and even least in the region. " In his study, devoted to scholarly representations of Britain, she noted the total absence in the literary corpus of works which Britain would be the special theme: so no economic study she chooses not to be the province of study, the observations nature ethnographic appear as "piecemeal" and never to identify specificity Breton. At most, we can note a specific interest to historians of themes related to the feudal relationship, and "the ancient liberties of the province." Before 1800, none of the stereotypes that will build regional identity, the celtitude rainy climate, is still in place. , .

The first Emsav (until 1914): Emergence of Breton

The Breton movement was born in the first half of the nineteenth century , during the romantic nationalism that hit across Europe and aroused interest:

  • The story of the people and nations, while the story was then that the reigning princes,
  • The popular cultural and national wealth, in the language of the people sometimes, when the culture was hitherto the case of the noble and powerful.

In Britain, the "Romantic Revival" was expressed mainly within a nobility Legitimist marginalized and falling back on his land. It is characterized by its anchor to the right and his nostalgia for the Old Regime : faithfulness to the spirit and monarchist in religion, traditions and feudal privileges. The darkness prevails: to maintain the traditions to preserve the Breton people of irreligion and new ideas from the Enlightenment.

The three pillars of this nascent regionalism Breton are:

Key dates: 1752 : First edition of Buhez ar Sent , in Breton book describing the lives of saints of the Catholic Church. This book quickly became the book in most households in Britain Bretons. It was read regularly, often in the evening vigil.

  • 1791 : The Breton Association was founded by Armand Tuffin de La Rourie , Royalist and Liberal Freemason, hero of the War of Independence of the United States. Rourie rallied against the revolution, following the abolition of special laws and customs of Britain. The purpose of this organization was the return of freedom of Brittany and the continuation of the monarchy.
  • 1865 : Creating Feiz ha Breizh (Faith and Brittany), weekly in Breton, which appeared almost continuously since that time.

Released in 1909 and 1911 , two works by the Earl of Lantivy-Trdion synthesize claims Breton movement (...). The author suggests a reconstruction of Britain, its financial and administrative autonomy. Defenders of the project are up to imagine a 'tax strike'.

Breton Nationalist Party, both the first political party founded in Britain and the first Breton nationalist party, founded by Camille Le Mercier Erm. At that time, the Breton Nationalist Party will gather the bulk of Breton political movement. When the Bleun Brug created in 1905 by Abbe Perrot , a number of Catholic militants also defending the Breton language and culture, not a political movement.

  • 1912 : Emile Masson wrote Antaeus or Britons and socialism: Socialism for a Breton, then started the following year a socialist monthly bilingual Brug.

The second Emsav (1914-1945)

The First World War is a real break. Britain, like the rest of France is bled white. More than half of men between 20 and Brittany 40 years died, the impression of having been consistently on the front line is very sharp and revives the victimization . After the war, regionalism (which claims to unite the small and large country), conservative, stagnant.

A new generation, more active, has ambitious goals, look to the future:

  • It takes an especially in the field of language. Its leader is Roparz Hemon , and his newspaper reference Gwalarn , founded in 1925. Breton literature opens to the world by several translations, renovation and expansion of literary themes ( Jakez Riou , Youenn Drezen , etc..) creation of a modern literature in the Breton language. The Breton language is renovated and updated by writing numerous dictionaries and grammars.
  • The importance of the artistic movement, including the Seiz Breur which includes dozens of artists, craftspeople, designers who want to give new life to artistic creation in Britain.
  • Parallel to the cultural activism that is felt also in the political sphere.
  • A splinter group that became known as the Gwenn-ha-Du blew up in 1932 the monument commemorating the union of Brittany to France , then commits some other symbolic bombings.

1918 : creation of the Youth Union of Brittany ( Breizh Unvan Yaouankiz ).

This entails the development, within the Breton movement, nationalism drive in a new generation that gathers around the newspaper Breiz Atao in 1919 member of Group Breton regionalist around Maurice Marchal.

The Emsav breaks explicitly with the French regionalism:

  • This first generation nationalist invested particularly in the field of language. Its leader is Roparz Hemon , and his newspaper reference Gwalarn , founded in 1925 with Mordrel Olier. ( Jakez Riou , Youenn Drezen ...). Breton literature opens to the world by several translations, renovation and expansion of literary themes: creation of a true modern literature in the Breton language. The Breton language is renovated and updated by writing numerous dictionaries and grammars.
  • Importance as the artistic movement, including Seiz Breur , who brings a high level of Breton art.

Parallel to the cultural success we must insist on changes in the political sphere:

  • 1933 : Foundation of the cultural movement " Ar Falz "by Yann Sohier to educate public school teachers to teach the Breton language.
  • 1934 : 346 Brittany Commons adopted the vow "er Skol Ar Brezhoneg (Breton in school), for the teaching of Breton.

Over this period, Morvan Lebesque , actor then says in his book How can we be Breton? that "activists of those years remember the makeshift village meetings on the steps of some old Ford audiences that was to surprise, picking at the door of the bistro or the Mass and, round eyes, saw the " autonomist "much like the Martians, sometimes hesitant to throw their jeers and stones. Sometimes they called the priest, the police, the local drunkard there was his number, mothers outraged accused the speakers of "do this in front of children" and there was no advantage to hold the meeting too close to a river .

From 1939 most organizations Breton, undermined by the discrepancies between the commitments of their members broke even most often disappear.

The Second World War

During the Second World War , the dark organized separatist movement as a whole in collaboration with the Nazi occupiers and / or the Vichy regime

In 1940 , General Carl-Heinrich von Stlpnagel , commander of the occupation troops in France, said his position on the issue Breton: supporting culture and the Breton language, refusal to support Breton separatists.

A daily newspaper covering the five counties of Brittany published until 1944 and a radio station funded by the Nazis in Breton also emits until June 1944. A draft of the Brittany region, truncated Lower Loire , is created and the teaching of history and language of Brittany are permitted during the occupation by Marshal Petain. All these measures are discontinued when the Liberation.

The behavior of each other are the subject of selective amnesia of war that still feeds controversy over sixty years later: "In reality, the liberation movement in Breton, it minimizes the collaboration, we create the myth of the savage treatment " .

According to the book by Jean-Jacques Monnier, over 250 activists of cultural movements, linguistic, regional or national policy Breton committed in armed resistance to Nazism, as a group (groups created their own initiative or networks conventional resistor) or isolated, but also in the cache Jews, airmen, refractory STO, many were deported or shot by the Germans. This work has been subject to several criticisms, including that of local committees of the townships of Lannion and Perros-Guirec of the National Association of Veterans of the Resistance (ANACR), at the request of their president-delegate Serge Tilly , who consider this book as a "cons-historical truth but also an insult to their memory," the fact "to assimilate the great figures of the Resistance movement in Breton," which was "very close ideologically to the extreme right in 20s and 30s. " They believe that "in the west of our department, almost all resisters spoke in their native language, Breton, is a reality, but none claimed the Breton identity . "

Even today, some are concerned about attempts to rehabilitate the collaborationist organizations led by separatist militants or Breton , , , . Conversely, others believe that, given the presentation of the facts, it is a pretext for media manipulation designed to attack the current aspirations, such as recognition of language rights .

The third Emsav (1945 to present)

Liberation

Nearly 2000 Breton militants were arrested and "administrative detention". Among the leaders of pro-Nazi, most will be condemned to Liberation. A number of them manage to escape justice and to win the Irish through the chain of fake passports up by Yann Four . Some other supporters are released within a few weeks, no charges were brought against them . The BNP activists are charged with having collaborated with the Nazi authorities. But few of them will actually be worried:

"About 15 to 16% of the GNP have been brought before the courts, few supporters have been tried. This makes the purification an epiphenomenon, the reality is very far from the mythical image of a massive crackdown, fueled by the memory traumatized Breton nationalists . "

The behavior of Breton nationalists has affected the culture of Brittany:

"This culture of hatred of foreigners and contempt of the people who lived nationalists led them to disrepute for a long time interest in the Breton language and culture in the region and even allow Breton to justify the cessation speak Breton. However, in December 1946 at the initiative of government, Pierre-Jakez Helias launched a new radio program on Radio in Breton Quimerc'h. "

Late 1940s and 1950s: Culture

Following the collaboration of most of Breton separatists movements , political activism is condemned by public opinion: The term "Atao Breizh" (the name of a pro-Nazi magazine autonomy ) was used to denote militants indiscriminately Breton nationalists. The term "Breiz atao mat lao da" (in French: "Breiz Atao, good to kill") does not date from this period. It is a formula devised by the pastor of Gouzec , in the late 1920s, he was rehearsing his flock to get them to attack the "autonomy" . But this expression will return to describe the "collaborators" Breton . The commitment of Breton militants will therefore field of cultural activity:

These are the meeting places for reflection, for nationalist recruitment. It is through this that will be maintained and transmitted Breton nationalism to a new generation in the years 1940 and 1950. It is also thanks to dozens of former resistance that cultural movements and political Breton (eg regional) are launched or relaunched in Brittany and Paris .

The 1950 and 1960: the economy

From the early 1950's , the Breton movement is beginning to invest in the economic field also with in 1951 the creation of CELIB, the Review Committee and Liaison Breton interests by Martray Joseph and Ren Pleven.

1951 : creation of Study Committee and liaison interests Breton ( CELIB ) by Joseph Martray and Pleven / A>. The CELIB will cause the economic boost that will come out of Britain's deputy agricultural and industrial development by creating an informal forum for coordination of local authorities across the UK history (5 departments) in a Optical decentralism. In 1955 the Committee became a CELIB Regional Expansion (Coder).

A whole generation of farmers after the agriculture Christian Youth organized locally and regionally. A series of strikes in 1960 very hard to get the terms of the modernization of agriculture culminates in the "taking" by 2000 farmers in the sub-prefecture of Morlaix on 8 June 1961. The imprisonment of the leading triggers a wave of protests that engulfed the whole of Brittany until June 22 A "model farm Breton" is gradually being established.

1962 : The CELIB adopt a framework law for Britain prepared by Michel Phlipponneau. The state refuses to commit to a multiyear investment. 1092 Breton councils support the program act. Britain urges the battle to open up rail fares regional economy, forcing the state to divest.

From the late 1960s : the return of politics

Indirectly, the CELIB legitimizes the political rebirth of nationalism in Britain, and from the 1960s, there was the return of the Breton nationalist moderates in the political arena:

In 1957 , creation of the Movement for the Organization of the United Kingdom ( MOB ), the first political party created since the Second World War.

In 1963 , splitting the left of the MOB to create the UDB ( Breton Democratic Union ). CAB ( Action Committee for Brittany ) brings the CFDT, CFTC, the PCF, the SFIO, the PSU, the FEN, INS.

But all this remains very marginal during the 1960s, despite the unprecedented mobilization of nature and regional dimension in the worlds of workers and peasants.

In the 1960s the badge BZH blooms on cars. It was quickly banned (Ortoli decree of 7 August 1967). Several motorists have been prosecuted but overall the police turn a blind eye.

1966 The FLB (Liberation Front of Brittany) claimed his first attack. The Breton Road Plan of 1968 is considered a consequence of these actions since a long time in Britain appoint highways FLB two expressways that serve the peninsula. In 1972 the "trial of FLB" before the court of state security becomes a "trial of the French colonization in Britain", 2000 people come to support the FLB Palace Mutuality in Paris.

The same year 1966 , Alan Stivell began singing, which will spark a cultural revolution in France early next decade.

Decade of the 1970s

A real revival of a sense of regional identity in Brittany:

The Cultural Revolution in Music

Unprecedented expansion of Breton music, at the initiative of Alan Stivell. Do not forget the cultural influence of the singer and writer Milig Skanv Ar, ie Glenmor, who was the first to awaken the Breton culture.

Countless singers and musicians will follow suit, including Gilles Servat and Tri Yann , both in concerts in festo-noz (Breton festival with music and traditional dances). These noz-festo often "support" a cause "left" became the rendezvous of a generation, and gradually all generations.

Multiplication of social conflicts which become Breton marked


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